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The Information Engineering Lab 11

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_972857755#0_2008152662

Title: Religion in the Public Schools | Pew Research Center Headings: Religion in the Public Schools Religion in the Public Schools About this report The Pillars of Church-State Law Prayer and the Pledge School prayer The Pledge of Allegiance School officials and student speech Religion in the curriculum Creationism and evolution Study of the Bible Holiday programs Multiculturalism Rights in and out of the classroom Rights of students Rights of parents Rights of teachers and administrators Religious activities and the principle of equal access Content: Religion in the Public Schools | Pew Research Center October 3, 2019 Religion in the Public Schools (Melanie Stetson Freeman/The Christian Science Monitor via Getty Images) More than 55 years after the Supreme Court issued its landmark ruling striking down school-sponsored prayer, Americans continue to fight over the place of religion in public schools. Questions about religion in the classroom no longer make quite as many headlines as they once did, but the issue remains an important battleground in the broader conflict over religion’s role in public life. Some Americans are troubled by what they see as an effort on the part of federal courts and civil liberties advocates to exclude God and religious sentiment from public schools. Such an effort, these Americans believe, infringes on the First Amendment right to free exercise of religion. Many civil libertarians and others, meanwhile, voice concern that conservative Christians and others are trying to impose their values on students. Federal courts, they point out, consistently have interpreted the First Amendment’s prohibition on the establishment of religion to forbid state sponsorship of prayer and most other religious activities in public schools. This debate centers on public schools; very few people are arguing that religious doctrine cannot be taught at private schools or that teachers at such schools cannot lead students in prayer. And even in public institutions, there is little debate about the right of individual students, teachers and other school employees to practice their religion – by, say, praying before lunch or wearing religious clothing or symbols. Moreover, as a 2019 survey of American teens shows some forms of religious expression are relatively common in public schools.

https://www.pewforum.org/2019/10/03/religion-in-the-public-schools-2019-update/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_972857755#1_2008155229

Title: Religion in the Public Schools | Pew Research Center Headings: Religion in the Public Schools Religion in the Public Schools About this report The Pillars of Church-State Law Prayer and the Pledge School prayer The Pledge of Allegiance School officials and student speech Religion in the curriculum Creationism and evolution Study of the Bible Holiday programs Multiculturalism Rights in and out of the classroom Rights of students Rights of parents Rights of teachers and administrators Religious activities and the principle of equal access Content: Federal courts, they point out, consistently have interpreted the First Amendment’s prohibition on the establishment of religion to forbid state sponsorship of prayer and most other religious activities in public schools. This debate centers on public schools; very few people are arguing that religious doctrine cannot be taught at private schools or that teachers at such schools cannot lead students in prayer. And even in public institutions, there is little debate about the right of individual students, teachers and other school employees to practice their religion – by, say, praying before lunch or wearing religious clothing or symbols. Moreover, as a 2019 survey of American teens shows some forms of religious expression are relatively common in public schools. For instance, about four-in-ten public school students say they routinely see other students praying before sporting events, according to the survey. And about half of U.S. teens in public schools (53%) say they often or sometimes see other students wearing jewelry or clothing with religious symbols. About this report This analysis, updated on Oct. 3, 2019, was originally published in 2007 as part of a larger series that explored different aspects of the complex and fluid relationship between government and religion. This report includes sections on school prayer, the pledge of allegiance, religion in school curricula, and the religious liberty rights of students and teachers. The report does not address questions of government funding for religious schools (that is, school vouchers and tax credits) because the schools in question are largely private, not public.

https://www.pewforum.org/2019/10/03/religion-in-the-public-schools-2019-update/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_972857755#2_2008157667

Title: Religion in the Public Schools | Pew Research Center Headings: Religion in the Public Schools Religion in the Public Schools About this report The Pillars of Church-State Law Prayer and the Pledge School prayer The Pledge of Allegiance School officials and student speech Religion in the curriculum Creationism and evolution Study of the Bible Holiday programs Multiculturalism Rights in and out of the classroom Rights of students Rights of parents Rights of teachers and administrators Religious activities and the principle of equal access Content: For instance, about four-in-ten public school students say they routinely see other students praying before sporting events, according to the survey. And about half of U.S. teens in public schools (53%) say they often or sometimes see other students wearing jewelry or clothing with religious symbols. About this report This analysis, updated on Oct. 3, 2019, was originally published in 2007 as part of a larger series that explored different aspects of the complex and fluid relationship between government and religion. This report includes sections on school prayer, the pledge of allegiance, religion in school curricula, and the religious liberty rights of students and teachers. The report does not address questions of government funding for religious schools (that is, school vouchers and tax credits) because the schools in question are largely private, not public. For a discussion of vouchers and similar issues, see “ Shifting Boundaries: The Establishment Clause and Government Funding of Religious Schools and Other Faith-Based Organizations .” Because that analysis was published in 2009 and has not been updated, it does not include a discussion of more recent Supreme Court voucher rulings or upcoming cases. Conflicts over religion in school are hardly new. In the 19th century, Protestants and Catholics frequently fought over Bible reading and prayer in public schools.

https://www.pewforum.org/2019/10/03/religion-in-the-public-schools-2019-update/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_972857755#3_2008159846

Title: Religion in the Public Schools | Pew Research Center Headings: Religion in the Public Schools Religion in the Public Schools About this report The Pillars of Church-State Law Prayer and the Pledge School prayer The Pledge of Allegiance School officials and student speech Religion in the curriculum Creationism and evolution Study of the Bible Holiday programs Multiculturalism Rights in and out of the classroom Rights of students Rights of parents Rights of teachers and administrators Religious activities and the principle of equal access Content: For a discussion of vouchers and similar issues, see “ Shifting Boundaries: The Establishment Clause and Government Funding of Religious Schools and Other Faith-Based Organizations .” Because that analysis was published in 2009 and has not been updated, it does not include a discussion of more recent Supreme Court voucher rulings or upcoming cases. Conflicts over religion in school are hardly new. In the 19th century, Protestants and Catholics frequently fought over Bible reading and prayer in public schools. The disputes then were over which Bible and which prayers were appropriate to use in the classroom. Some Catholics were troubled that the schools’ reading materials included the King James version of the Bible, which was favored by Protestants. In 1844, fighting broke out between Protestants and Catholics in Philadelphia; a number of people died in the violence and several Catholic churches were burned. Similar conflicts erupted during the 1850s in Boston and other parts of New England.

https://www.pewforum.org/2019/10/03/religion-in-the-public-schools-2019-update/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_972857755#5_2008163767

Title: Religion in the Public Schools | Pew Research Center Headings: Religion in the Public Schools Religion in the Public Schools About this report The Pillars of Church-State Law Prayer and the Pledge School prayer The Pledge of Allegiance School officials and student speech Religion in the curriculum Creationism and evolution Study of the Bible Holiday programs Multiculturalism Rights in and out of the classroom Rights of students Rights of parents Rights of teachers and administrators Religious activities and the principle of equal access Content: In the early 20th century, liberal Protestants and their secular allies battled religious conservatives over whether students in biology classes should be taught Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution. The Pillars of Church-State Law The Legal Status of Religious Organizations in Civil Lawsuits March 2011 Are legal disputes involving churches and other religious institutions constitutionally different from those involving their secular counterparts, and if so, how? Government Funding of Faith-Based Organizations May 2009 The debate over the meaning of the Establishment Clause. Free Exercise and the Legislative and Executive Branches October 2008 A look at state and federal statutes that protect religious freedom. Free Exercise and the Courts October 2007 The courts have grappled with the meaning of the Free Exercise Clause. Religious Displays and the Courts June 2007 Government displays of religious symbols have sparked fierce battles. The Supreme Court stepped into those controversies when it ruled, in Cantwell v. Connecticut (1940) and Everson v. Board of Education of Ewing Township (1947), that the First Amendment’s Establishment Clause and Free Exercise Clause applied to the states. The two clauses say, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” Before those two court decisions, courts had applied the religion clauses only to actions of the federal government. Soon after the Everson decision, the Supreme Court began specifically applying the religion clauses to activities in public schools.

https://www.pewforum.org/2019/10/03/religion-in-the-public-schools-2019-update/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_972857755#6_2008166162

Title: Religion in the Public Schools | Pew Research Center Headings: Religion in the Public Schools Religion in the Public Schools About this report The Pillars of Church-State Law Prayer and the Pledge School prayer The Pledge of Allegiance School officials and student speech Religion in the curriculum Creationism and evolution Study of the Bible Holiday programs Multiculturalism Rights in and out of the classroom Rights of students Rights of parents Rights of teachers and administrators Religious activities and the principle of equal access Content: Religious Displays and the Courts June 2007 Government displays of religious symbols have sparked fierce battles. The Supreme Court stepped into those controversies when it ruled, in Cantwell v. Connecticut (1940) and Everson v. Board of Education of Ewing Township (1947), that the First Amendment’s Establishment Clause and Free Exercise Clause applied to the states. The two clauses say, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” Before those two court decisions, courts had applied the religion clauses only to actions of the federal government. Soon after the Everson decision, the Supreme Court began specifically applying the religion clauses to activities in public schools. In its first such case , McCollum v. Board of Education (1948), the high court invalidated the practice of having religious instructors from different denominations enter public schools to offer religious lessons during the school day to students whose parents requested them. A key factor in the court’s decision was that the lessons took place in the schools. Four years later, in Zorach v. Clauson, the court upheld an arrangement by which public schools excused students during the school day so they could attend religious classes away from school property. ( The new Pew Research Center survey finds that one-in-ten religiously affiliated teens in public school leave the school for religious activities.) Beginning in the 1960s, the court handed religious conservatives a series of major defeats.

https://www.pewforum.org/2019/10/03/religion-in-the-public-schools-2019-update/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_972857755#7_2008168518

Title: Religion in the Public Schools | Pew Research Center Headings: Religion in the Public Schools Religion in the Public Schools About this report The Pillars of Church-State Law Prayer and the Pledge School prayer The Pledge of Allegiance School officials and student speech Religion in the curriculum Creationism and evolution Study of the Bible Holiday programs Multiculturalism Rights in and out of the classroom Rights of students Rights of parents Rights of teachers and administrators Religious activities and the principle of equal access Content: In its first such case , McCollum v. Board of Education (1948), the high court invalidated the practice of having religious instructors from different denominations enter public schools to offer religious lessons during the school day to students whose parents requested them. A key factor in the court’s decision was that the lessons took place in the schools. Four years later, in Zorach v. Clauson, the court upheld an arrangement by which public schools excused students during the school day so they could attend religious classes away from school property. ( The new Pew Research Center survey finds that one-in-ten religiously affiliated teens in public school leave the school for religious activities.) Beginning in the 1960s, the court handed religious conservatives a series of major defeats. It began with the landmark 1962 ruling, Engel v. Vitale , that school-sponsored prayer – even nonsectarian prayer – violated the Establishment Clause. Since then, the Supreme Court has pushed forward, from banning organized Bible reading for religious and moral instruction in 1963 to prohibiting school-sponsored prayers at high school football games in 2000. ( The new survey finds that 8% of teens in public school have ever seen a teacher lead the class in prayer, and the same share have ever had a teacher read to the class from the Bible as an example of literature.) In these and other decisions, the court has repeatedly stressed that the Constitution prohibits public schools from indoctrinating children in religion. But it is not always easy to determine exactly what constitutes indoctrination or school sponsorship of religious activities.

https://www.pewforum.org/2019/10/03/religion-in-the-public-schools-2019-update/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_972857755#8_2008170968

Title: Religion in the Public Schools | Pew Research Center Headings: Religion in the Public Schools Religion in the Public Schools About this report The Pillars of Church-State Law Prayer and the Pledge School prayer The Pledge of Allegiance School officials and student speech Religion in the curriculum Creationism and evolution Study of the Bible Holiday programs Multiculturalism Rights in and out of the classroom Rights of students Rights of parents Rights of teachers and administrators Religious activities and the principle of equal access Content: It began with the landmark 1962 ruling, Engel v. Vitale , that school-sponsored prayer – even nonsectarian prayer – violated the Establishment Clause. Since then, the Supreme Court has pushed forward, from banning organized Bible reading for religious and moral instruction in 1963 to prohibiting school-sponsored prayers at high school football games in 2000. ( The new survey finds that 8% of teens in public school have ever seen a teacher lead the class in prayer, and the same share have ever had a teacher read to the class from the Bible as an example of literature.) In these and other decisions, the court has repeatedly stressed that the Constitution prohibits public schools from indoctrinating children in religion. But it is not always easy to determine exactly what constitutes indoctrination or school sponsorship of religious activities. For example, can a class on the Bible as literature be taught without a bias for or against the idea that the Bible is religious truth? Can students be compelled to participate in a Christmas-themed music program? Sometimes students themselves, rather than teachers, administrators or coaches, bring faith into school activities. For instance, when a student invokes gratitude to God in a valedictory address, or a high school football player offers a prayer in a huddle, is the school legally responsible for their religious expression? The issues are complicated by other constitutional guarantees.

https://www.pewforum.org/2019/10/03/religion-in-the-public-schools-2019-update/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_972857755#9_2008173210

Title: Religion in the Public Schools | Pew Research Center Headings: Religion in the Public Schools Religion in the Public Schools About this report The Pillars of Church-State Law Prayer and the Pledge School prayer The Pledge of Allegiance School officials and student speech Religion in the curriculum Creationism and evolution Study of the Bible Holiday programs Multiculturalism Rights in and out of the classroom Rights of students Rights of parents Rights of teachers and administrators Religious activities and the principle of equal access Content: For example, can a class on the Bible as literature be taught without a bias for or against the idea that the Bible is religious truth? Can students be compelled to participate in a Christmas-themed music program? Sometimes students themselves, rather than teachers, administrators or coaches, bring faith into school activities. For instance, when a student invokes gratitude to God in a valedictory address, or a high school football player offers a prayer in a huddle, is the school legally responsible for their religious expression? The issues are complicated by other constitutional guarantees. For instance, the First Amendment also protects freedom of speech and freedom of association. Religious groups have cited those guarantees in support of student religious speech and in efforts to obtain school sponsorship and resources for student religious clubs. The right of a student or student club to engage in religious speech or activities on school property may, however, conflict with other protections, such as the right of students to avoid harassment. In one case, for example, a federal appeals court approved a high school’s decision to prohibit a student from wearing a T-shirt containing a biblical passage condemning homosexuality. Because the student had graduated by the time the Supreme Court granted his appeal, the Supreme Court ordered the lower court to vacate its ruling and dismiss the case.

https://www.pewforum.org/2019/10/03/religion-in-the-public-schools-2019-update/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_972857755#10_2008175412

Title: Religion in the Public Schools | Pew Research Center Headings: Religion in the Public Schools Religion in the Public Schools About this report The Pillars of Church-State Law Prayer and the Pledge School prayer The Pledge of Allegiance School officials and student speech Religion in the curriculum Creationism and evolution Study of the Bible Holiday programs Multiculturalism Rights in and out of the classroom Rights of students Rights of parents Rights of teachers and administrators Religious activities and the principle of equal access Content: For instance, the First Amendment also protects freedom of speech and freedom of association. Religious groups have cited those guarantees in support of student religious speech and in efforts to obtain school sponsorship and resources for student religious clubs. The right of a student or student club to engage in religious speech or activities on school property may, however, conflict with other protections, such as the right of students to avoid harassment. In one case, for example, a federal appeals court approved a high school’s decision to prohibit a student from wearing a T-shirt containing a biblical passage condemning homosexuality. Because the student had graduated by the time the Supreme Court granted his appeal, the Supreme Court ordered the lower court to vacate its ruling and dismiss the case. In another instance of conflict, some student religious groups want the right to exclude students who do not share the groups’ beliefs, specifically on questions of sexuality. For example, the Christian Legal Society (CLS), which has chapters in many law schools, requires those who serve in leadership positions to agree to a statement that renounces “unbiblical behaviors,” such as engaging in sexual relationships outside of heterosexual marriage. CLS sued a number of law schools after they denied the group official recognition because this leadership policy violated the schools’ nondiscrimination policies. In one of these cases, the Supreme Court ruled against CLS, stating that these nondiscrimination policies were constitutional so long as they were viewpoint neutral and fairly applied to all groups seeking recognition on campus. As these more recent controversies show, public schools remain a battlefield where the religious interests of parents, students, administrators and teachers often clash.

https://www.pewforum.org/2019/10/03/religion-in-the-public-schools-2019-update/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_972857755#11_2008178047

Title: Religion in the Public Schools | Pew Research Center Headings: Religion in the Public Schools Religion in the Public Schools About this report The Pillars of Church-State Law Prayer and the Pledge School prayer The Pledge of Allegiance School officials and student speech Religion in the curriculum Creationism and evolution Study of the Bible Holiday programs Multiculturalism Rights in and out of the classroom Rights of students Rights of parents Rights of teachers and administrators Religious activities and the principle of equal access Content: In another instance of conflict, some student religious groups want the right to exclude students who do not share the groups’ beliefs, specifically on questions of sexuality. For example, the Christian Legal Society (CLS), which has chapters in many law schools, requires those who serve in leadership positions to agree to a statement that renounces “unbiblical behaviors,” such as engaging in sexual relationships outside of heterosexual marriage. CLS sued a number of law schools after they denied the group official recognition because this leadership policy violated the schools’ nondiscrimination policies. In one of these cases, the Supreme Court ruled against CLS, stating that these nondiscrimination policies were constitutional so long as they were viewpoint neutral and fairly applied to all groups seeking recognition on campus. As these more recent controversies show, public schools remain a battlefield where the religious interests of parents, students, administrators and teachers often clash. The conflicts affect many aspects of public education, including classroom curricula, high school football games, student clubs, graduation ceremonies. Prayer and the Pledge School prayer The most enduring and controversial issue related to school-sponsored religious activities is classroom prayer. In Engel v. Vitale (1962), the Supreme Court held that the Establishment Clause prohibited the recitation of a school-sponsored prayer in public schools. Engel involved a simple and seemingly nonsectarian prayer composed especially for use in New York’s public schools. In banning the prayer exercise entirely, the court did not rest its opinion on the grounds that u

https://www.pewforum.org/2019/10/03/religion-in-the-public-schools-2019-update/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_972963514#1_2008245025

Title: The history of the evolution debate in the United States| Pew Research Center Headings: Darwin in America Darwin in America The evolution debate in the United States Darwin comes to America Scopes and its aftermath Content: The Print Collector/Getty Images) Most biologists and other scientists contend that evolutionary theory convincingly explains the origins and development of life on Earth. Moreover, they say, a scientific theory is not a hunch or a guess, but is instead an established explanation for a natural phenomenon, like gravity, that has repeatedly been tested and refined through observation and experimentation. So if evolution is as established in the scientific community as the theory of gravity, why are people still arguing about it more than century and a half after Darwin proposed it? The answer lies, in large part, in the theological implications of evolutionary thinking. For many religious people, the Darwinian view of life – a panorama of brutal struggle and constant change – conflicts with both the biblical creation story and the Judeo-Christian concept of an active, loving God who intervenes in human events. ( See “ Religious Groups’ Views on Evolution .”) This basic concern with evolutionary theory has helped drive the decadeslong opposition to teaching it in public schools. Even over the last 15 years, educators, scientists, parents, religious leaders and others in more than a dozen states have engaged in public battles in school boards, legislatures and courts over how school curricula should handle evolution. The issue was even discussed and debated during the runups to the 2000 and 2008 presidential elections. This battle has ebbed in recent years, but it has not completely died out.

https://www.pewforum.org/essay/darwin-in-america/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_972963514#2_2008246970

Title: The history of the evolution debate in the United States| Pew Research Center Headings: Darwin in America Darwin in America The evolution debate in the United States Darwin comes to America Scopes and its aftermath Content: See “ Religious Groups’ Views on Evolution .”) This basic concern with evolutionary theory has helped drive the decadeslong opposition to teaching it in public schools. Even over the last 15 years, educators, scientists, parents, religious leaders and others in more than a dozen states have engaged in public battles in school boards, legislatures and courts over how school curricula should handle evolution. The issue was even discussed and debated during the runups to the 2000 and 2008 presidential elections. This battle has ebbed in recent years, but it has not completely died out. Outside the classroom, much of the opposition to evolution has involved its broader social implications and the belief that it can be understood in ways that are socially and politically dangerous. For instance, some social conservatives charge that evolutionary theory serves to strengthen broader arguments that justify practices they vehemently oppose, such as abortion and euthanasia. Evolutionary theory also plays a role in arguments in favor of transhumanism and other efforts to enhance human abilities and extend the human lifespan. Still other evolution opponents say that well-known advocates for atheism, such as Richard Dawkins, view evolutionary theory not just as proof of the folly of religious faith, but also as a justification for various types of discrimination against religion and religious people. A look back at American history shows that, in many ways, questions about evolution have long served as proxies in larger debates about religious, ethical and social norms.

https://www.pewforum.org/essay/darwin-in-america/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982160725#0_2030287079

Title: About Fact Tank | Pew Research Center Headings: About Fact Tank About Fact Tank Content: About Fact Tank | Pew Research Center Home About Fact Tank Fact Tank is Pew Research Center’s real-time platform dedicated to finding news in the numbers. Launched in mid-2013 to build on the Center’s unique brand of data journalism, Fact Tank is written by experts who combine the rigorous research and quality storytelling for which the center is known to help readers understand the trends shaping the nation and the globe. In today’s fast-moving world, it is more important than ever for data to provide context for the policy issues and major news events that have become part of the national conversation. To provide background that is both reliable and timely, Fact Tank draws on Pew Research Center’s own data as well as other reputable data sources on the topics of politics, religion, science, technology, media, economics, global trends, Hispanics and social trends. We are rigorously nonpartisan and non-advocacy in our approach. Pew Research Center reports and our posts here on Fact Tank don’t take stands on issues, and we don’t make policy recommendations. Rather, our goal is to supply factual information that can be trusted by those on all sides of today’s partisan and policy divides to provide a foundation for informed debate. Our data are free for you to use in your reports, blogs or other publications, with appropriate citation. Feel free to reach out on Twitter at @FactTank or email us at [email protected]. And, as always, we invite your feedback in the comments section of our posts.

https://www.pewresearch.org/about-fact-tank/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982160725#1_2030288896

Title: About Fact Tank | Pew Research Center Headings: About Fact Tank About Fact Tank Content: Pew Research Center reports and our posts here on Fact Tank don’t take stands on issues, and we don’t make policy recommendations. Rather, our goal is to supply factual information that can be trusted by those on all sides of today’s partisan and policy divides to provide a foundation for informed debate. Our data are free for you to use in your reports, blogs or other publications, with appropriate citation. Feel free to reach out on Twitter at @FactTank or email us at [email protected]. And, as always, we invite your feedback in the comments section of our posts. You can also find many of the researchers who contribute to Fact Tank in this list, along with their specialties and Twitter handles. We hope you’ll find Fact Tank a valuable addition to your daily information diet.

https://www.pewresearch.org/about-fact-tank/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982235436#2_2030432629

Title: Interracial marriage: Who is ‘marrying out’? | Pew Research Center Headings: Interracial marriage: Who is ‘marrying out’? Interracial marriage: Who is ‘marrying out’? Facts are more important than ever Content: Looking beyond newlyweds, 6.3% of all marriages were between spouses of different races in 2013, up from less than 1% in 1970. Some racial groups are more likely to intermarry than others. Of the 3.6 million adults who got married in 2013, 58% of American Indians, 28% of Asians, 19% of blacks and 7% of whites have a spouse whose race was different from their own. The overall numbers mask significant gender gaps within some racial groups. Among blacks, men are much more likely than women to marry someone of a different race. Fully a quarter of black men who got married in 2013 married someone who was not black. Only 12% of black women married outside of their race. For Asians, the gender pattern goes in the opposite direction: Asian women are much more likely than Asian men to marry someone of a different race. Among newlyweds in 2013, 37% of Asian women married someone who was not Asian, while 16% of Asian men married outside of their race.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/06/12/interracial-marriage-who-is-marrying-out/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982235436#3_2030434045

Title: Interracial marriage: Who is ‘marrying out’? | Pew Research Center Headings: Interracial marriage: Who is ‘marrying out’? Interracial marriage: Who is ‘marrying out’? Facts are more important than ever Content: Fully a quarter of black men who got married in 2013 married someone who was not black. Only 12% of black women married outside of their race. For Asians, the gender pattern goes in the opposite direction: Asian women are much more likely than Asian men to marry someone of a different race. Among newlyweds in 2013, 37% of Asian women married someone who was not Asian, while 16% of Asian men married outside of their race. American Indians have the highest interracial marriage rate among all single-race groups. Women are slightly more likely to “marry out” than men in this group: 61% of American Indian female newlyweds married outside their race, compared with 54% of American Indian male newlyweds. The trend toward more interracial marriages is undoubtedly related, at least in part, to changing social norms. Our previous surveys have documented growing acceptance among the public.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/06/12/interracial-marriage-who-is-marrying-out/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982290915#3_2030554708

Title: The link between a college education and a lasting marriage | Pew Research Center Headings: The link between a college education and a lasting marriage The link between a college education and a lasting marriage Content: Among those who were ages 25 and older in 2014, 65% of those with a bachelor’s degree or more were married, compared with 53% of adults with less education, according to a Pew Research Center analysis. While the research does not address reasons these marriages last longer, we do know college-educated adults marry later in life and are more financially secure than less-educated adults. While more-educated women have the highest chances for a long-term marriage, college-educated men also stand out. Roughly two-thirds (65%) of men with a bachelor’s degree could expect that, if they marry, their first marriage will last 20 years or longer, compared with 50% of men with a high school diploma or less. In addition, men with a higher level of education are more likely to get married in the first place when compared with less-educated men. There also are distinctive patterns in marriage longevity by race and ethnicity. Some of these differences could be related to educational differences among adults with different racial or ethnic backgrounds. Asian women, who are among the most educated, are more likely than any other racial or ethnic group to have a long-term marriage. For Asian women who were married for the first time between 2006 and 2010, the chance that they may celebrate their 20-year wedding anniversary is nearly 70%. By contrast, about half of Hispanic and white women may see their marriages last that long.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/12/04/education-and-marriage/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982290915#4_2030556573

Title: The link between a college education and a lasting marriage | Pew Research Center Headings: The link between a college education and a lasting marriage The link between a college education and a lasting marriage Content: There also are distinctive patterns in marriage longevity by race and ethnicity. Some of these differences could be related to educational differences among adults with different racial or ethnic backgrounds. Asian women, who are among the most educated, are more likely than any other racial or ethnic group to have a long-term marriage. For Asian women who were married for the first time between 2006 and 2010, the chance that they may celebrate their 20-year wedding anniversary is nearly 70%. By contrast, about half of Hispanic and white women may see their marriages last that long. And for black women, the chance is 37%. Among men, Hispanics have the highest likelihood of being in a long-lasting marriage (findings about Asian men are not included because the sample size was too small to be nationally representative). For those who married for the first time between 2006 and 2010, about six-in-ten Hispanic men (62%) could expect their marriages to last at least 20 years, compared with 54% of white men and 53% of black men. Another factor linked to long-lasting marriages is whether couples live together before tying the knot. In short, couples who lived together before getting married had a slightly lower chance of having a long-term marriage than those who did not live together.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/12/04/education-and-marriage/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982290915#5_2030558294

Title: The link between a college education and a lasting marriage | Pew Research Center Headings: The link between a college education and a lasting marriage The link between a college education and a lasting marriage Content: And for black women, the chance is 37%. Among men, Hispanics have the highest likelihood of being in a long-lasting marriage (findings about Asian men are not included because the sample size was too small to be nationally representative). For those who married for the first time between 2006 and 2010, about six-in-ten Hispanic men (62%) could expect their marriages to last at least 20 years, compared with 54% of white men and 53% of black men. Another factor linked to long-lasting marriages is whether couples live together before tying the knot. In short, couples who lived together before getting married had a slightly lower chance of having a long-term marriage than those who did not live together. Among women who did not live with their spouse before getting married for the first time, 57% can expect to still be married after 20 years. For women who lived with their spouse before marriage, the probability of being married for at least 20 years is somewhat lower – 46%. Whether the couple was engaged when they lived together didn’t make a difference in women’s chances of long-lasting marriages. For men, the patterns are slightly different. In this case, it matters whether men are engaged to a partner they lived with before getting married.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/12/04/education-and-marriage/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982346773#2_2030673472

Title: Roughly half of Hispanics have experienced discrimination | Pew Research Center Headings: Roughly half of Hispanics have experienced discrimination Roughly half of Hispanics have experienced discrimination Facts are more important than ever Content: By contrast, among non-Hispanic whites, only 30% say they have ever experienced discrimination or unfair treatment, a share that’s fairly consistent across different age groups, education levels and other subgroups. Roughly six-in-ten Hispanics (58%) say race relations in the U.S. are generally bad, a similar share to blacks. But when it comes to the best approach to improving race relations, Hispanic views align more with those of whites. Among Hispanics and whites, more say people should focus on what different racial and ethnic groups have in common rather than what makes them unique. By contrast, blacks are split evenly on the issue. For Latinos, concepts of identity and race are complex and varied. About one-in-four Hispanics in the U.S. identify as Afro-Latino, and a quarter say they are of an indigenous background, according to the Pew Research Center National Survey of Latinos. At the same time, two-thirds of Latinos say their Hispanic background is a part of their racial identity. ( The U.S. Census Bureau’s forms describe “Hispanic” as an ethnic origin and not a race.) An estimated 56.6 million Hispanics lived in the U.S. in 2015, a fast-growing population with diverse origins and many who are bilingual.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/06/29/roughly-half-of-hispanics-have-experienced-discrimination/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982346773#3_2030675213

Title: Roughly half of Hispanics have experienced discrimination | Pew Research Center Headings: Roughly half of Hispanics have experienced discrimination Roughly half of Hispanics have experienced discrimination Facts are more important than ever Content: For Latinos, concepts of identity and race are complex and varied. About one-in-four Hispanics in the U.S. identify as Afro-Latino, and a quarter say they are of an indigenous background, according to the Pew Research Center National Survey of Latinos. At the same time, two-thirds of Latinos say their Hispanic background is a part of their racial identity. ( The U.S. Census Bureau’s forms describe “Hispanic” as an ethnic origin and not a race.) An estimated 56.6 million Hispanics lived in the U.S. in 2015, a fast-growing population with diverse origins and many who are bilingual. Millions of people from Latin America have immigrated to the U.S. in recent decades, driving Hispanic population growth in the 1980s and 1990s. In 2014, there were 19.3 million Hispanic immigrants in the U.S., and this group accounts for nearly half of the nation’s immigrant population. Some Latinos have long expressed concerns over policies that target unauthorized immigrants, disapproving of deportations by the federal government as well as state laws like California’s Proposition 187 in 1994, which denied public services to unauthorized immigrants, and more recently Arizona’s SB 1070, which allows police to check the immigration status of suspected unauthorized immigrants so long as an officer is enforcing other laws. The race survey also found that many Hispanics discuss racial inequality on a regular basis with family and friends. About six-in-ten Hispanics (62%) say the topic of racial inequality comes up often or sometimes in conversations, a share similar to that of whites (59%).

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/06/29/roughly-half-of-hispanics-have-experienced-discrimination/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982346773#4_2030677321

Title: Roughly half of Hispanics have experienced discrimination | Pew Research Center Headings: Roughly half of Hispanics have experienced discrimination Roughly half of Hispanics have experienced discrimination Facts are more important than ever Content: Millions of people from Latin America have immigrated to the U.S. in recent decades, driving Hispanic population growth in the 1980s and 1990s. In 2014, there were 19.3 million Hispanic immigrants in the U.S., and this group accounts for nearly half of the nation’s immigrant population. Some Latinos have long expressed concerns over policies that target unauthorized immigrants, disapproving of deportations by the federal government as well as state laws like California’s Proposition 187 in 1994, which denied public services to unauthorized immigrants, and more recently Arizona’s SB 1070, which allows police to check the immigration status of suspected unauthorized immigrants so long as an officer is enforcing other laws. The race survey also found that many Hispanics discuss racial inequality on a regular basis with family and friends. About six-in-ten Hispanics (62%) say the topic of racial inequality comes up often or sometimes in conversations, a share similar to that of whites (59%). By comparison, 74% of blacks say the same. Topics Race & Ethnicity Discrimination & Prejudice Racial Bias & Discrimination Hispanics/Latinos Jens Manuel Krogstad is a senior writer/editor focusing on Hispanics, immigration and demographics at Pew Research Center. POSTS BIO TWITTER EMAIL Gustavo López is a former research analyst focusing on Hispanics, immigration and demographics at Pew Research Center. POSTS BIO EMAIL Facts are more important than ever In times of uncertainty, good decisions demand good data. Please support our research with a financial contribution.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/06/29/roughly-half-of-hispanics-have-experienced-discrimination/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982351618#0_2030680492

Title: 5 facts about Latinos and education | Pew Research Center Headings: 5 facts about Latinos and education 5 facts about Latinos and education Content: 5 facts about Latinos and education | Pew Research Center 5 facts about Latinos and education By Jens Manuel Krogstad Educational attainment among U.S. Latinos has been changing rapidly in recent years, reflecting the group’s growth in the nation’s public K-12 schools and colleges. Over the past decade, the Hispanic high school dropout rate has declined and college enrollment has increased, even as Hispanics trail other groups in earning a bachelor’s degree. The issue of education is an important one for Hispanics. Roughly eight-in-ten (83%) cited education as very important to their vote in the 2016 election, ranking it alongside the economy, health care and terrorism as a top issue. Yet, for many Hispanics, economic factors remain an obstacle to college enrollment. In a 2014 National Journal poll, 66% of Hispanics who got a job or entered the military directly after high school cited the need to help support their family as a reason for not enrolling in college, compared with 39% of whites. Here are five facts about U.S. Latinos and education: 1 Over the past decade, the Hispanic high school dropout rate has dropped dramatically. The rate reached a new low in 2014, dropping from 32% in 2000 to 12% in 2014 among those ages 18 to 24. This helped lower the national dropout rate from 12% to 7% over the same time period – also a new low.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/07/28/5-facts-about-latinos-and-education/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982351618#1_2030682231

Title: 5 facts about Latinos and education | Pew Research Center Headings: 5 facts about Latinos and education 5 facts about Latinos and education Content: In a 2014 National Journal poll, 66% of Hispanics who got a job or entered the military directly after high school cited the need to help support their family as a reason for not enrolling in college, compared with 39% of whites. Here are five facts about U.S. Latinos and education: 1 Over the past decade, the Hispanic high school dropout rate has dropped dramatically. The rate reached a new low in 2014, dropping from 32% in 2000 to 12% in 2014 among those ages 18 to 24. This helped lower the national dropout rate from 12% to 7% over the same time period – also a new low. Even so, the Hispanic dropout rate remains higher than that of blacks (7%), whites (5%) and Asians (1%). 2 Hispanics are making big inroads in college enrollment. In 2014, 35% of Hispanics ages 18 to 24 were enrolled in a two- or four-year college, up from 22% in 1993 – a 13-percentage-point increase. That amounted to 2.3 million Hispanic college students in 2014. By comparison, college enrollment during this time among blacks (33% in 2014) increased by 8 percentage points, and among whites (42% in 2014) the share increased 5 points.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/07/28/5-facts-about-latinos-and-education/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982351618#2_2030683721

Title: 5 facts about Latinos and education | Pew Research Center Headings: 5 facts about Latinos and education 5 facts about Latinos and education Content: Even so, the Hispanic dropout rate remains higher than that of blacks (7%), whites (5%) and Asians (1%). 2 Hispanics are making big inroads in college enrollment. In 2014, 35% of Hispanics ages 18 to 24 were enrolled in a two- or four-year college, up from 22% in 1993 – a 13-percentage-point increase. That amounted to 2.3 million Hispanic college students in 2014. By comparison, college enrollment during this time among blacks (33% in 2014) increased by 8 percentage points, and among whites (42% in 2014) the share increased 5 points. Among Asians, 64% were enrolled in college in 2014, a nearly 9-point increase over 1999 (no data are available for Asians before 1999). 3 Even though more Hispanics are getting a postsecondary education than ever before, Hispanics still lag other groups in obtaining a four-year degree. As of 2014, among Hispanics ages 25 to 29, just 15% of Hispanics have a bachelor’s degree or higher. By comparison, among the same age group, about 41% of whites have a bachelor’s degree or higher (as do 22% of blacks and 63% of Asians). This gap is due in part to the fact that Hispanics are less likely than some other groups to enroll in a four-year college, attend an academically selective college and enroll full-time.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/07/28/5-facts-about-latinos-and-education/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982351618#3_2030685350

Title: 5 facts about Latinos and education | Pew Research Center Headings: 5 facts about Latinos and education 5 facts about Latinos and education Content: Among Asians, 64% were enrolled in college in 2014, a nearly 9-point increase over 1999 (no data are available for Asians before 1999). 3 Even though more Hispanics are getting a postsecondary education than ever before, Hispanics still lag other groups in obtaining a four-year degree. As of 2014, among Hispanics ages 25 to 29, just 15% of Hispanics have a bachelor’s degree or higher. By comparison, among the same age group, about 41% of whites have a bachelor’s degree or higher (as do 22% of blacks and 63% of Asians). This gap is due in part to the fact that Hispanics are less likely than some other groups to enroll in a four-year college, attend an academically selective college and enroll full-time. 4 Another reason why Hispanics lag in bachelor’s degrees is that nearly half who go to college attend a public two-year school, or community college, the highest share of any race or ethnicity. By comparison, among college-goers, 30% of whites, 32% of Asians and 36% of blacks go to a community college. 5 Hispanics are significantly less likely than other groups to have student debt. About 22% of young Hispanic households (those headed by someone younger than 40) have student loans. The share is nearly twice as high among young white households (42%) and young black households (40%).

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/07/28/5-facts-about-latinos-and-education/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982351618#4_2030687029

Title: 5 facts about Latinos and education | Pew Research Center Headings: 5 facts about Latinos and education 5 facts about Latinos and education Content: 4 Another reason why Hispanics lag in bachelor’s degrees is that nearly half who go to college attend a public two-year school, or community college, the highest share of any race or ethnicity. By comparison, among college-goers, 30% of whites, 32% of Asians and 36% of blacks go to a community college. 5 Hispanics are significantly less likely than other groups to have student debt. About 22% of young Hispanic households (those headed by someone younger than 40) have student loans. The share is nearly twice as high among young white households (42%) and young black households (40%). This is because, despite growing college enrollment, young Hispanics are not as likely to go to college as some other groups. And among those who do, Hispanics are more likely than others to attend community colleges, which generally have lower tuition than four-year schools. Note: This post was originally published on May 26, 2015 and has been updated to reflect new data. Topics Race & Ethnicity Hispanics/Latinos & Education Education K-12 Jens Manuel Krogstad is a senior writer/editor focusing on Hispanics, immigration and demographics at Pew Research Center.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/07/28/5-facts-about-latinos-and-education/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982351618#5_2030688556

Title: 5 facts about Latinos and education | Pew Research Center Headings: 5 facts about Latinos and education 5 facts about Latinos and education Content: This is because, despite growing college enrollment, young Hispanics are not as likely to go to college as some other groups. And among those who do, Hispanics are more likely than others to attend community colleges, which generally have lower tuition than four-year schools. Note: This post was originally published on May 26, 2015 and has been updated to reflect new data. Topics Race & Ethnicity Hispanics/Latinos & Education Education K-12 Jens Manuel Krogstad is a senior writer/editor focusing on Hispanics, immigration and demographics at Pew Research Center. POSTS BIO TWITTER EMAIL

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/07/28/5-facts-about-latinos-and-education/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982503975#4_2031031027

Title: Key facts about race and marriage in the U.S. | Pew Research Center Headings: Key facts about race and marriage, 50 years after Loving v. Virginia Key facts about race and marriage, 50 years after Loving v. Virginia Sign up for our weekly newsletter Content: The next most common intermarriage pairings are one white and one Asian spouse (15%). Some 12% of newlywed intermarried couples include one white and one multiracial spouse, and 11% include one white and one black spouse. 4 Newlywed black men are twice as likely as newlywed black women to be intermarried. In 2015, 24% of recently married black men were intermarried, compared with 12% of newly married black women. There are also notable gender differences among Asian newlyweds: Just over one-third (36%) of newlywed Asian women were intermarried in 2015, compared with 21% of recently married Asian men. Among white and Hispanic newlyweds, intermarriage rates are similar for men and women. 5 Since 1980, an educational gap in intermarriage has begun to emerge. While the rate of intermarriage did not differ significantly by educational attainment in 1980, today there is a modest gap. In 2015, 14% of newlyweds with a high school diploma or less were married to someone of a different race or ethnicity.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/06/12/key-facts-about-race-and-marriage-50-years-after-loving-v-virginia/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982503975#5_2031032543

Title: Key facts about race and marriage in the U.S. | Pew Research Center Headings: Key facts about race and marriage, 50 years after Loving v. Virginia Key facts about race and marriage, 50 years after Loving v. Virginia Sign up for our weekly newsletter Content: Just over one-third (36%) of newlywed Asian women were intermarried in 2015, compared with 21% of recently married Asian men. Among white and Hispanic newlyweds, intermarriage rates are similar for men and women. 5 Since 1980, an educational gap in intermarriage has begun to emerge. While the rate of intermarriage did not differ significantly by educational attainment in 1980, today there is a modest gap. In 2015, 14% of newlyweds with a high school diploma or less were married to someone of a different race or ethnicity. In contrast, 18% of those with some college experience and 19% of those with a bachelor’s degree or more were intermarried. The educational gap is most striking among Hispanics. Nearly half (46%) of Hispanic newlyweds with a bachelor’s degree were married to someone of a different race or ethnicity in 2015, yet this share drops to 16% for those with a high school diploma or less. 6 One-in-seven U.S. infants (14%) are multiracial or multiethnic. This share is nearly triple the share (5%) in 1980.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/06/12/key-facts-about-race-and-marriage-50-years-after-loving-v-virginia/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982764671#0_2031611266

Title: Can polls be trusted? Yes, if designed well | Pew Research Center Headings: Can we still trust polls? Can we still trust polls? Content: Can polls be trusted? Yes, if designed well | Pew Research Center Can we still trust polls? By Courtney Kennedy YouTube Pew Research Center 11.4K subscribers Subscribe Can We Still Trust Polls? Watch later Copy link Info Shopping Tap to unmute If playback doesn't begin shortly, try restarting your device. You're signed out Videos you watch may be added to the TV's watch history and influence TV recommendations. To avoid this, cancel and sign in to YouTube on your computer. Cancel Confirm More videos More videos Switch camera Share Include playlist An error occurred while retrieving sharing information. Please try again later. Watch on 0:00 0:00 0:00 / 6:31 Live • This is one of an occasional series of posts on polling. Donald Trump’s victory in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, as well as the UK’s decision to leave the European Union through “Brexit,” rattled public confidence in polls.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/05/14/can-we-still-trust-polls/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982764671#1_2031612554

Title: Can polls be trusted? Yes, if designed well | Pew Research Center Headings: Can we still trust polls? Can we still trust polls? Content: To avoid this, cancel and sign in to YouTube on your computer. Cancel Confirm More videos More videos Switch camera Share Include playlist An error occurred while retrieving sharing information. Please try again later. Watch on 0:00 0:00 0:00 / 6:31 Live • This is one of an occasional series of posts on polling. Donald Trump’s victory in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, as well as the UK’s decision to leave the European Union through “Brexit,” rattled public confidence in polls. Since these two major world events occurred, we have been asked the same question when giving presentations, on social media, in interviews, and from our own friends and neighbors: “ Can we still trust polls?” Our new video explains why well-designed polls can be trusted. Those who felt led astray by surveys conducted during the 2016 U.S. presidential election may be surprised to learn that national polling was generally quite accurate. National pre-election polls in 2016 indicated that Hillary Clinton would win the national popular vote by a 3-point margin, and in fact she won by 2 points.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/05/14/can-we-still-trust-polls/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982764671#2_2031614026

Title: Can polls be trusted? Yes, if designed well | Pew Research Center Headings: Can we still trust polls? Can we still trust polls? Content: Since these two major world events occurred, we have been asked the same question when giving presentations, on social media, in interviews, and from our own friends and neighbors: “ Can we still trust polls?” Our new video explains why well-designed polls can be trusted. Those who felt led astray by surveys conducted during the 2016 U.S. presidential election may be surprised to learn that national polling was generally quite accurate. National pre-election polls in 2016 indicated that Hillary Clinton would win the national popular vote by a 3-point margin, and in fact she won by 2 points. The major problem was with state-level polls, many of which missed a late swing to Trump among undecided voters and did not correct for the fact that their responding samples contained proportionally too many college-educated voters (who were more likely to favor Clinton). A silver lining is that both of these problems can be overcome, to some extent, by more rigorous survey weighting and heightened attention to the possibility of late shifts in voter preferences. It’s also important to remember that election polls are just one kind of poll, and that they’re not the best barometer for the accuracy of polling in general. Why not? Because an election poll has an extra hurdle to jump:

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/05/14/can-we-still-trust-polls/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982764671#4_2031617301

Title: Can polls be trusted? Yes, if designed well | Pew Research Center Headings: Can we still trust polls? Can we still trust polls? Content: It not only has to measure public opinion, it also has to predict which of the people interviewed are going to vote and how they will vote – a notoriously difficult task. So, if election polls aren’t a reliable measure of polling accuracy, what is? There are a number of other ways we can measure the health of polling. One is to look at how polling on an issue tracks with real-world events. For example, on the issue of same-sex marriage in the United States, polls showed growing acceptance around the same time that advocates were winning statewide referenda legalizing it. The polls, in other words, were corroborated by real-world events. There are also a number of high-quality, government-funded surveys that provide us with quite accurate benchmark estimates for a range of characteristics of the U.S. population. Pollsters can ask the same questions these government surveys do to see how their results compare. In the case of Pew Research Center polls, our trends track very closely with those of high-quality benchmark polls on questions like religious identity and political affiliation. This gives us additional confidence that the trends we’re recording are accurate.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/05/14/can-we-still-trust-polls/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982764671#5_2031618838

Title: Can polls be trusted? Yes, if designed well | Pew Research Center Headings: Can we still trust polls? Can we still trust polls? Content: The polls, in other words, were corroborated by real-world events. There are also a number of high-quality, government-funded surveys that provide us with quite accurate benchmark estimates for a range of characteristics of the U.S. population. Pollsters can ask the same questions these government surveys do to see how their results compare. In the case of Pew Research Center polls, our trends track very closely with those of high-quality benchmark polls on questions like religious identity and political affiliation. This gives us additional confidence that the trends we’re recording are accurate. So, yes, we can still trust polls. But it’s important to be realistic about the precision they can provide. Want to learn more about polling? Check out our Methods 101 videos: How can a survey of 1,000 people tell you what the whole U.S. thinks?

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/05/14/can-we-still-trust-polls/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982764671#6_2031620038

Title: Can polls be trusted? Yes, if designed well | Pew Research Center Headings: Can we still trust polls? Can we still trust polls? Content: So, yes, we can still trust polls. But it’s important to be realistic about the precision they can provide. Want to learn more about polling? Check out our Methods 101 videos: How can a survey of 1,000 people tell you what the whole U.S. thinks? How do you write survey questions that accurately measure public opinion? Topics Polling Research Methods Courtney Kennedy is director of survey research at Pew Research Center. POSTS BIO EMAIL

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/05/14/can-we-still-trust-polls/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_982884489#0_2031881927

Title: Social media outpaces print newspapers in the U.S. as news source | Pew Research Center Headings: Social media outpaces print newspapers in the U.S. as a news source Social media outpaces print newspapers in the U.S. as a news source Facts are more important than ever Content: Social media outpaces print newspapers in the U.S. as news source | Pew Research Center Social media outpaces print newspapers in the U.S. as a news source By Elisa Shearer Social media sites have surpassed print newspapers as a news source for Americans: One-in-five U.S. adults say they often get news via social media, slightly higher than the share who often do so from print newspapers (16%) for the first time since Pew Research Center began asking these questions. In 2017, the portion who got news via social media was about equal to the portion who got news from print newspapers. Social media’s small edge over print emerged after years of steady declines in newspaper circulation and modest increases in the portion of Americans who use social media , according to a Pew Research Center survey conducted earlier this year. Overall, television is still the most popular platform for news consumption – even though its use has declined since 2016. News websites are the next most common source, followed by radio, and finally social media sites and print newspapers. And when looking at online news use combined – the percentage of Americans who get news often from either news websites or social media – the web has closed in on television as a source for news (43% of adults get news often from news websites or social media, compared with 49% for television). Among the three different types of TV news asked about, local TV is the most popular – 37% get news there often, compared with 30% who get cable TV news often and 25% who often watch national evening network news shows. For the first time, we also asked respondents if they got news from a streaming device on their TV – 9% of U.S. adults said that they do so often. There is a large amount of overlap between those who stream TV news and those who get news on broadcast television – a majority of those who get news from streaming TV often (73%) also say that they get news often on broadcast or cable TV.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/12/10/social-media-outpaces-print-newspapers-in-the-u-s-as-a-news-source/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983020438#0_2032196267

Title: Gap between number of blacks, whites in prison narrows | Pew Research Center Headings: The gap between the number of blacks and whites in prison is shrinking The gap between the number of blacks and whites in prison is shrinking Content: Gap between number of blacks, whites in prison narrows | Pew Research Center The gap between the number of blacks and whites in prison is shrinking By John Gramlich Note: For newer data on imprisonment rates, please see this 2020 post . Blacks have long outnumbered whites in U.S. prisons. But a significant decline in the number of black prisoners has steadily narrowed the gap over the past decade, according to new data from the Bureau of Justice Statistics. At the end of 2017, federal and state prisons in the United States held about 475,900 inmates who were black and 436,500 who were white – a difference of 39,400, according to BJS. Ten years earlier, there were 592,900 black and 499,800 white prisoners – a difference of 93,100. ( This analysis counts only inmates sentenced to more than a year.) The decline in the black-white gap between 2007 and 2017 was driven by a 20% decrease in the number of black inmates, which outpaced a 13% decrease in the number of white inmates. The gap between white and Hispanic imprisonment also narrowed between 2007 and 2017, but not because of a decrease in Hispanic prisoners. Instead, the number of white prisoners fell while the number of Hispanic inmates increased slightly.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/04/30/shrinking-gap-between-number-of-blacks-and-whites-in-prison/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983020438#1_2032197979

Title: Gap between number of blacks, whites in prison narrows | Pew Research Center Headings: The gap between the number of blacks and whites in prison is shrinking The gap between the number of blacks and whites in prison is shrinking Content: Ten years earlier, there were 592,900 black and 499,800 white prisoners – a difference of 93,100. ( This analysis counts only inmates sentenced to more than a year.) The decline in the black-white gap between 2007 and 2017 was driven by a 20% decrease in the number of black inmates, which outpaced a 13% decrease in the number of white inmates. The gap between white and Hispanic imprisonment also narrowed between 2007 and 2017, but not because of a decrease in Hispanic prisoners. Instead, the number of white prisoners fell while the number of Hispanic inmates increased slightly. At the end of 2017, there were 100,000 more white inmates than Hispanic inmates (436,500 vs. 336,500), down from an inmate difference of 169,400 in 2007 (499,800 white inmates vs. 330,400 Hispanic inmates). Overall, there were 1,439,808 sentenced prisoners in the U.S. at the end of 2017, or about 6% fewer than the 1,532,851 at the end of 2007. Apart from blacks, whites and Hispanics, these totals include inmates from other races and those from mixed racial and ethnic backgrounds. The figures only count people in federal and state correctional facilities, including those held in privately run prisons that contract with the government; they exclude most inmates held in locally run jails.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/04/30/shrinking-gap-between-number-of-blacks-and-whites-in-prison/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983020438#2_2032199738

Title: Gap between number of blacks, whites in prison narrows | Pew Research Center Headings: The gap between the number of blacks and whites in prison is shrinking The gap between the number of blacks and whites in prison is shrinking Content: At the end of 2017, there were 100,000 more white inmates than Hispanic inmates (436,500 vs. 336,500), down from an inmate difference of 169,400 in 2007 (499,800 white inmates vs. 330,400 Hispanic inmates). Overall, there were 1,439,808 sentenced prisoners in the U.S. at the end of 2017, or about 6% fewer than the 1,532,851 at the end of 2007. Apart from blacks, whites and Hispanics, these totals include inmates from other races and those from mixed racial and ethnic backgrounds. The figures only count people in federal and state correctional facilities, including those held in privately run prisons that contract with the government; they exclude most inmates held in locally run jails. The racial and ethnic makeup of U.S. prisons continues to look substantially different from the demographics of the country as a whole. In 2017, blacks represented 12% of the U.S. adult population but 33% of the sentenced prison population. Whites accounted for 64% of adults but 30% of prisoners. And while Hispanics represented 16% of the adult population, they accounted for 23% of inmates. Another way of considering racial and ethnic differences in the nation’s prison population is by looking at the imprisonment rate, which tallies the number of prisoners per 100,000 people.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/04/30/shrinking-gap-between-number-of-blacks-and-whites-in-prison/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983020438#3_2032201496

Title: Gap between number of blacks, whites in prison narrows | Pew Research Center Headings: The gap between the number of blacks and whites in prison is shrinking The gap between the number of blacks and whites in prison is shrinking Content: The racial and ethnic makeup of U.S. prisons continues to look substantially different from the demographics of the country as a whole. In 2017, blacks represented 12% of the U.S. adult population but 33% of the sentenced prison population. Whites accounted for 64% of adults but 30% of prisoners. And while Hispanics represented 16% of the adult population, they accounted for 23% of inmates. Another way of considering racial and ethnic differences in the nation’s prison population is by looking at the imprisonment rate, which tallies the number of prisoners per 100,000 people. In 2017, there were 1,549 black prisoners for every 100,000 black adults – nearly six times the imprisonment rate for whites (272 per 100,000) and nearly double the rate for Hispanics (823 per 100,000). For all three of these groups, imprisonment rates have declined substantially since 2007. The rate has declined 31% among blacks, 14% among whites and 25% among Hispanics. Experts have offered a range of explanations for the pronounced drop in the black imprisonment rate. Note:

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/04/30/shrinking-gap-between-number-of-blacks-and-whites-in-prison/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983024096#0_2032204226

Title: Voter turnout rose in 2018 across racial, ethnic groups | Pew Research Center Headings: Historic highs in 2018 voter turnout extended across racial and ethnic groups Historic highs in 2018 voter turnout extended across racial and ethnic groups Add Pew Research Center to your Alexa Content: Voter turnout rose in 2018 across racial, ethnic groups | Pew Research Center Historic highs in 2018 voter turnout extended across racial and ethnic groups By Jens Manuel Krogstad, Luis Noe-Bustamante and Antonio Flores More than half of U.S. eligible voters cast a ballot in 2018, the highest turnout rate for a midterm election in recent history, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of newly released data from the U.S. Census Bureau. The increased turnout was particularly pronounced among Hispanics and Asians, making last year’s midterm voters the most racially and ethnically diverse ever. With enthusiasm at a record high, more than 122 million people voted in the 2018 elections, the highest in a midterm election year since 1978. Last year also marked the first time since 1982 that the voter turnout rate in midterm elections surpassed 50%. This was a stark reversal from the previous midterm year, when turnout had decreased – from 45.5% in 2010 to 41.9% in 2014. ( The voter turnout rate is the share who cast a ballot among eligible voters, defined as U.S. citizens ages 18 and older. Historical data in this analysis starts in 1978, the first year the Census Bureau gathered citizenship data for its survey of voters.) Here are key takeaways on voter turnout by race and ethnicity during the 2018 elections: Challenges in estimating voter turnout rates with the Current Population Survey The Census Bureau’s biannual Current Population Survey November Voting and Registration Supplement is the best postelection survey of voting behavior available because of its large sample size and its high response rates. It is also one of the few data sources that provides a comprehensive demographic and statistical portrait of U.S. voters.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/05/01/historic-highs-in-2018-voter-turnout-extended-across-racial-and-ethnic-groups/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983032399#1_2032225815

Title: College-educated blacks more likely to have faced discrimination | Pew Research Center Headings: For black Americans, experiences of racial discrimination vary by education level, gender For black Americans, experiences of racial discrimination vary by education level, gender Content: When asked about specific situations they may have experienced because of their race, blacks who have attended college are more likely than those without college experience to say they have faced a number of these incidents: people acting as if they were suspicious of them (71% vs. 59%), people acting as if they were not smart (67% vs. 52%) or being subjected to slurs or jokes (58% vs. 45%). Half of blacks with at least some college experience also say they have feared for their personal safety because of their race. That share drops to about a third (34%) among those with less education. College-educated blacks are also more inclined to believe their race has negatively impacted their ability to succeed: 57% of blacks with at least some college experience believe being black has hurt their ability to get ahead, compared with 47% of those with a high school education or less. This pattern has been consistent across multiple surveys. A 2016 Pew Research Center survey found similar educational gaps among blacks in experiences with discrimination. And a 2017 NPR poll found that being subjected to racial slurs or offensive comments was more common among blacks with a college degree than those with less education. So why is this?

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/05/02/for-black-americans-experiences-of-racial-discrimination-vary-by-education-level-gender/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983071879#0_2032310391

Title: How black, white Americans differ in views of criminal justice system | Pew Research Center Headings: From police to parole, black and white Americans differ widely in their views of criminal justice system From police to parole, black and white Americans differ widely in their views of criminal justice system Crime Policing The death penalty Parole decisions Voting rights for ex-felons Facts are more important than ever Content: How black, white Americans differ in views of criminal justice system | Pew Research Center From police to parole, black and white Americans differ widely in their views of criminal justice system By John Gramlich Activists in New York City march in July 2016 in response to fatal shootings of two black men by police. ( Yana Paskova/Getty Images) Black Americans are far more likely than whites to say the nation’s criminal justice system is racially biased and that its treatment of minorities is a serious national problem. In a recent Pew Research Center survey, around nine-in-ten black adults (87%) said blacks are generally treated less fairly by the criminal justice system than whites, a view shared by a much smaller majority of white adults (61%). And in a survey shortly before last year’s midterm elections, 79% of blacks – compared with 32% of whites – said the way racial and ethnic minorities are treated by the criminal justice system is a very big problem in the United States today. Racial differences in views of the criminal justice system are not limited to the perceived fairness of the system as a whole. Black and white adults also differ across a range of other criminal justice-related questions asked by the Center in recent years, on subjects ranging from crime and policing to the use of computer algorithms in parole decisions. Here’s an overview of these racial differences: Crime Black adults in the U.S. consistently express more concern than white adults about crime. In last year’s preelection survey, three-quarters of blacks – compared with fewer than half of whites (46%) – said violent crime is a very big problem in the country today. And while 82% of blacks said gun violence is a very big problem in the U.S., just 47% of whites said the same.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/05/21/from-police-to-parole-black-and-white-americans-differ-widely-in-their-views-of-criminal-justice-system/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983171804#12_2032563958

Title: Americans' declining trust in government, each other: 8 key findings | Pew Research Center Headings: Key findings about Americans’ declining trust in government and each other Key findings about Americans’ declining trust in government and each other Add Pew Research Center to your Alexa Content: Some 25% say Americans’ level of confidence in each other is a very big problem, which is quite low in comparison with a broad array of other issues that more Americans perceive as major problems. It is important to note, though, that some Americans see distrust as a factor inciting or amplifying other issues they consider crucial. For example, in their open-ended written answers to questions, some Americans say they think there are direct connections between rising distrust and other trends they perceived as major problems, such as partisan paralysis in government, the outsize influence of lobbyists and moneyed interests, confusion arising from made-up news and information, declining ethics in government, the intractability of immigration and climate debates, rising health care costs and a widening gap between the rich and the poor. Topics Trust in Government Federal Government Trust, Facts & Democracy Lee Rainie is director of internet and technology research at Pew Research Center. POSTS BIO TWITTER EMAIL Andrew Perrin is a research analyst focusing on internet and technology at Pew Research Center. POSTS BIO EMAIL Add Pew Research Center to your Alexa Say “ Alexa, enable the Pew Research Center flash briefing ” ADD TO ALEXA

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/07/22/key-findings-about-americans-declining-trust-in-government-and-each-other/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983257767#1_2032740687

Title: 5 facts about the abortion debate in America | Pew Research Center Headings: 5 facts about the abortion debate in America 5 facts about the abortion debate in America Content: On both sides of the issue, Americans are more likely than not to leave room for exceptions, with more saying abortion should be legal or illegal most of the time, rather than always. Public support for legal abortion remains as high as it has been in two decades of polling, and there is virtually no difference between the views of men and women. 2 There is a substantial – and growing – partisan divide on abortion, with Democrats and those who lean toward the Democratic Party much more likely than Republicans and GOP leaners to support legal abortion in all or most cases (82% vs. 36%). There also are large gaps based on religious affiliation. For example, three-quarters of white evangelical Protestants (77%) say abortion should be illegal in all or most cases, while an even larger share of religiously unaffiliated Americans (83%) take the opposing view, saying that abortion should be mostly or entirely legal. 3 When it comes to the Supreme Court’s 1973 landmark abortion ruling, seven-in-ten Americans (70%) in the 2019 survey said Roe v. Wade should not be completely overturned. Again, Democrats are far more likely than Republicans to hold this view; Republicans are roughly evenly divided, with 50% saying they do not want to see Roe v. Wade completely overturned and 48% saying they would like the decision tossed out. Overall, similar majorities of women (70%) and men (69%) do not want Roe v. Wade overturned. 4 In a December 2017 survey, roughly half of Americans (48%) said having an abortion is morally wrong, while 20% said they think it is morally acceptable and 31% said it is not a moral issue.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/08/30/facts-about-abortion-debate-in-america/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983270914#6_2032774346

Title: Online news in the U.S.: Key facts | Pew Research Center Headings: Key findings about the online news landscape in America Key findings about the online news landscape in America Content: 8 Made-up news affects how people use social media. Half of Americans (52%) say they have changed the way they use social media because of the issue of made-up news. Furthermore, among the Americans who ever get news through social media, half have stopped following a news source because they thought it was posting made-up news and information. At the same time, about a third (31%) of social media news consumers say they at least sometimes click on news stories they think are made up. Topics Digital News Landscape Social Media & the News A.W. Geiger is a former associate digital producer and writer for Pew Research Center. POSTS BIO TWITTER EMAIL

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/09/11/key-findings-about-the-online-news-landscape-in-america/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983447538#0_2033180491

Title: How we evaluated Americans' trust in 30 news sources | Pew Research Center Headings: Q&A: How Pew Research Center evaluated Americans’ trust in 30 news sources Q&A: How Pew Research Center evaluated Americans’ trust in 30 news sources The study examines public trust in 30 U.S. media outlets for political and election news. How did you choose these outlets? Why weren’t some well-known outlets included? How did you measure Americans’ trust and distrust in these outlets? How did you measure changes in trust over time? The study refers to the audiences of different news outlets as “left-leaning,” “right-leaning” or “mixed.” How did you make these determinations? And are you saying that some of these outlets themselves are “left-leaning” or “right-leaning”? Why does the study include more outlets with left-leaning audiences than right-leaning audiences? What do you hope readers will take away from this study? Content: How we evaluated Americans' trust in 30 news sources | Pew Research Center Q&A: How Pew Research Center evaluated Americans’ trust in 30 news sources By John Gramlich Americans are sharply divided along partisan lines when it comes to the media outlets they turn to and trust for their political and election-related news, according to a new Pew Research Center study. Amy Mitchell, director of journalism research at Pew Research Center More Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents trust than distrust most of the 30 outlets in the study, but the reverse is true among Republicans and GOP leaners. And while Democrats’ trust in many of these outlets has remained stable or in some cases increased since 2014, Republicans have become more alienated from some of them, widening an already substantial partisan gap. Amy Mitchell has directed the Center’s journalism research since 2012 and oversaw the new study, which is based on an online survey of more than 12,000 U.S. adults. The study serves as the framework for our new Election News Pathways project. In this Q&A, she answers key questions about how the analysis was done and what it says about Americans’ news habits as the first votes of the 2020 presidential election cycle loom. The study examines public trust in 30 U.S. media outlets for political and election news. How did you choose these outlets? Why weren’t some well-known outlets included?

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/01/24/qa-how-pew-research-center-evaluated-americans-trust-in-30-news-sources/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983447538#2_2033185638

Title: How we evaluated Americans' trust in 30 news sources | Pew Research Center Headings: Q&A: How Pew Research Center evaluated Americans’ trust in 30 news sources Q&A: How Pew Research Center evaluated Americans’ trust in 30 news sources The study examines public trust in 30 U.S. media outlets for political and election news. How did you choose these outlets? Why weren’t some well-known outlets included? How did you measure Americans’ trust and distrust in these outlets? How did you measure changes in trust over time? The study refers to the audiences of different news outlets as “left-leaning,” “right-leaning” or “mixed.” How did you make these determinations? And are you saying that some of these outlets themselves are “left-leaning” or “right-leaning”? Why does the study include more outlets with left-leaning audiences than right-leaning audiences? What do you hope readers will take away from this study? Content: With today’s vast and fractured media landscape, our goal was not to do anything like a census. Instead, we wanted to choose a variety of news outlets with substantial audiences across different platform types. To that end, we included major broadcast and cable TV networks, public broadcasters, political radio shows, high-circulation national newspapers, high-traffic digital news outlets and international news sources with a substantial readership in the United States, among other kinds of outlets. Most of the outlets we studied were part of a similar study we published in 2014, which allowed us to track whether partisans’ trust in them changed over time. One group not included here are wire services like The Associated Press and Reuters. While those organizations certainly produce a great deal of original reporting, our study is not an assessment of news brands, but an analysis of outlets Americans turn to for news and the trust levels of those outlets. Most Americans get news from the wires through another news outlet that carries their syndicated content. We also took into consideration things like web traffic, topic focus and responses to open-ended survey questions about people’s main sources for political news. Social media sites as a source for political news were asked about separately and will be a part of a future analysis. How did you measure Americans’ trust and distrust in these outlets?

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/01/24/qa-how-pew-research-center-evaluated-americans-trust-in-30-news-sources/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983447538#3_2033188336

Title: How we evaluated Americans' trust in 30 news sources | Pew Research Center Headings: Q&A: How Pew Research Center evaluated Americans’ trust in 30 news sources Q&A: How Pew Research Center evaluated Americans’ trust in 30 news sources The study examines public trust in 30 U.S. media outlets for political and election news. How did you choose these outlets? Why weren’t some well-known outlets included? How did you measure Americans’ trust and distrust in these outlets? How did you measure changes in trust over time? The study refers to the audiences of different news outlets as “left-leaning,” “right-leaning” or “mixed.” How did you make these determinations? And are you saying that some of these outlets themselves are “left-leaning” or “right-leaning”? Why does the study include more outlets with left-leaning audiences than right-leaning audiences? What do you hope readers will take away from this study? Content: While those organizations certainly produce a great deal of original reporting, our study is not an assessment of news brands, but an analysis of outlets Americans turn to for news and the trust levels of those outlets. Most Americans get news from the wires through another news outlet that carries their syndicated content. We also took into consideration things like web traffic, topic focus and responses to open-ended survey questions about people’s main sources for political news. Social media sites as a source for political news were asked about separately and will be a part of a future analysis. How did you measure Americans’ trust and distrust in these outlets? We first asked our survey respondents whether they had heard of each of the 30 outlets. If so, we asked them if they trusted it for political and election-related news. If they didn’t indicate trust in the source, we asked them if they distrusted it. After all, there’s a difference between simply not expressing trust in an outlet and actively expressing distrust of it. In cases where respondents had heard of a source but didn’t indicate that they trusted or distrusted it, we classified the response as “neither trust nor distrust.”

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/01/24/qa-how-pew-research-center-evaluated-americans-trust-in-30-news-sources/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983447538#8_2033201631

Title: How we evaluated Americans' trust in 30 news sources | Pew Research Center Headings: Q&A: How Pew Research Center evaluated Americans’ trust in 30 news sources Q&A: How Pew Research Center evaluated Americans’ trust in 30 news sources The study examines public trust in 30 U.S. media outlets for political and election news. How did you choose these outlets? Why weren’t some well-known outlets included? How did you measure Americans’ trust and distrust in these outlets? How did you measure changes in trust over time? The study refers to the audiences of different news outlets as “left-leaning,” “right-leaning” or “mixed.” How did you make these determinations? And are you saying that some of these outlets themselves are “left-leaning” or “right-leaning”? Why does the study include more outlets with left-leaning audiences than right-leaning audiences? What do you hope readers will take away from this study? Content: For example, the new survey is representative of the total U.S. adult population, while the older survey was based only on web-using U.S. adults. And the questions asked, while similar, are not identical in all cases. But there are more points of continuity than differences, and we feel confident in the broad changes in trust and distrust that we’ve documented in the two studies. The study refers to the audiences of different news outlets as “left-leaning,” “right-leaning” or “mixed.” How did you make these determinations? And are you saying that some of these outlets themselves are “left-leaning” or “right-leaning”? “This study doesn’t make any determination about where news outlets themselves fall on the ideological spectrum based on either the content of their reporting, their self-identification or the views of their editorial boards.” I’ll answer the last question first because it’s a crucial point to understand. This study doesn’t make any determination about where news outlets themselves fall on the ideological spectrum based on either the content of their reporting, their self-identification or the views of their editorial boards. This project wasn’t designed to evaluate outlets themselves or the content they produce.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/01/24/qa-how-pew-research-center-evaluated-americans-trust-in-30-news-sources/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983447538#12_2033213624

Title: How we evaluated Americans' trust in 30 news sources | Pew Research Center Headings: Q&A: How Pew Research Center evaluated Americans’ trust in 30 news sources Q&A: How Pew Research Center evaluated Americans’ trust in 30 news sources The study examines public trust in 30 U.S. media outlets for political and election news. How did you choose these outlets? Why weren’t some well-known outlets included? How did you measure Americans’ trust and distrust in these outlets? How did you measure changes in trust over time? The study refers to the audiences of different news outlets as “left-leaning,” “right-leaning” or “mixed.” How did you make these determinations? And are you saying that some of these outlets themselves are “left-leaning” or “right-leaning”? Why does the study include more outlets with left-leaning audiences than right-leaning audiences? What do you hope readers will take away from this study? Content: In fact, relatively few of the outlets we studied have audiences that consist mostly of liberal Democrats or conservative Republicans. Why does the study include more outlets with left-leaning audiences than right-leaning audiences? We selected these outlets based on a number of factors, including their audience size and platform type, but not based on the ideological orientation of their audiences, which we didn’t measure until later in the research process. Using this method, we ended up with 17 outlets whose audiences are left-leaning, six outlets whose audiences are right-leaning and seven outlets with mixed audiences. One factor that may be at play here is that Republicans have a more compact media ecosystem. They rely to a large degree on a small number of outlets and view many established brands as not trustworthy. Democrats, on the other hand, rely on a wider number of outlets. What do you hope readers will take away from this study? It’s often tempting to use studies like this one to “rank” media outlets against one another in terms of trust or distrust, but that wasn’t the purpose of this research. Instead

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/01/24/qa-how-pew-research-center-evaluated-americans-trust-in-30-news-sources/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983546610#2_2033425236

Title: Imprisonment rate of black Americans fell by a third from 2006 to 2018 | Pew Research Center Headings: Black imprisonment rate in the U.S. has fallen by a third since 2006 Black imprisonment rate in the U.S. has fallen by a third since 2006 Facts are more important than ever Content: Black and white Americans include only those who are single race and non-Hispanic. Hispanics are of any race. The analysis is based only on prisoners who have been sentenced to more than a year in state or federal prison. It excludes inmates held in local jails and those sentenced to shorter periods of imprisonment. While their rate of imprisonment has decreased the most in recent years, black Americans remain far more likely than their Hispanic and white counterparts to be in prison. The black imprisonment rate at the end of 2018 was nearly twice the rate among Hispanics (797 per 100,000) and more than five times the rate among whites (268 per 100,000). Black men are especially likely to be imprisoned. There were 2,272 inmates per 100,000 black men in 2018, compared with 1,018 inmates per 100,000 Hispanic men and 392 inmates per 100,000 white men. The rate was even higher among black men in certain age groups: Among those ages 35 to 39, for example, about one-in-twenty black men were in state or federal prison in 2018 (5,008 inmates for every 100,000 black men in this age group).

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/05/06/share-of-black-white-hispanic-americans-in-prison-2018-vs-2006/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983546610#3_2033426862

Title: Imprisonment rate of black Americans fell by a third from 2006 to 2018 | Pew Research Center Headings: Black imprisonment rate in the U.S. has fallen by a third since 2006 Black imprisonment rate in the U.S. has fallen by a third since 2006 Facts are more important than ever Content: The black imprisonment rate at the end of 2018 was nearly twice the rate among Hispanics (797 per 100,000) and more than five times the rate among whites (268 per 100,000). Black men are especially likely to be imprisoned. There were 2,272 inmates per 100,000 black men in 2018, compared with 1,018 inmates per 100,000 Hispanic men and 392 inmates per 100,000 white men. The rate was even higher among black men in certain age groups: Among those ages 35 to 39, for example, about one-in-twenty black men were in state or federal prison in 2018 (5,008 inmates for every 100,000 black men in this age group). The racial and ethnic makeup of U.S. prisons continues to look substantially different from the demographics of the country as a whole. In 2018, black Americans represented 33% of the sentenced prison population, nearly triple their 12% share of the U.S. adult population. Whites accounted for 30% of prisoners, about half their 63% share of the adult population. Hispanics accounted for 23% of inmates, compared with 16% of the adult population. Black inmates have long outnumbered white and Hispanic prisoners in the U.S., but these gaps have become narrower as the black imprisonment rate has fallen.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/05/06/share-of-black-white-hispanic-americans-in-prison-2018-vs-2006/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983579610#0_2033498839

Title: Most Americans say immigrants mainly fill jobs US citizens don’t want | Pew Research Center Headings: A majority of Americans say immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want A majority of Americans say immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want Unauthorized immigrant workers in the U.S. Industries and occupations of U.S. legal and unauthorized immigrants Facts are more important than ever Content: Most Americans say immigrants mainly fill jobs US citizens don’t want | Pew Research Center A majority of Americans say immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want By Jens Manuel Krogstad, Mark Hugo Lopez and Jeffrey S. Passel (Olivier Douliery/AFP via Getty Images) Americans generally agree that immigrants – whether undocumented or living legally in the country – mostly do not work in jobs that U.S. citizens want, with a majority saying so across racial and ethnic groups and among both political parties. This is particularly true when it comes to undocumented immigrants. About three-quarters of adults (77%) say undocumented immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want, while 21% say undocumented immigrants fill jobs U.S. citizens would like to have, according to a Pew Research Center survey conducted April 29 to May 5. Hispanics (88%) are most likely to say undocumented immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want, with more Hispanic immigrants than U.S.-born Hispanics saying so (94% vs. 82%). By comparison, similar shares of white (75%) and black (71%) adults say the same. The findings are little changed from August 2019, when 77% of U.S. adults said undocumented immigrants fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want. They come amid mounting job losses across the nation during the COVID-19 outbreak. The U.S. unemployment rate soared to 14.7% in April, up from 4.4% in March, the highest monthly rate since 1948. In May, it was 13.3%. The Center’s April-May survey found most Americans say the federal government does not have a responsibility to provide economic help to undocumented immigrants who have lost their job due to the outbreak.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/06/10/a-majority-of-americans-say-immigrants-mostly-fill-jobs-u-s-citizens-do-not-want/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983579610#1_2033501234

Title: Most Americans say immigrants mainly fill jobs US citizens don’t want | Pew Research Center Headings: A majority of Americans say immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want A majority of Americans say immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want Unauthorized immigrant workers in the U.S. Industries and occupations of U.S. legal and unauthorized immigrants Facts are more important than ever Content: The findings are little changed from August 2019, when 77% of U.S. adults said undocumented immigrants fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want. They come amid mounting job losses across the nation during the COVID-19 outbreak. The U.S. unemployment rate soared to 14.7% in April, up from 4.4% in March, the highest monthly rate since 1948. In May, it was 13.3%. The Center’s April-May survey found most Americans say the federal government does not have a responsibility to provide economic help to undocumented immigrants who have lost their job due to the outbreak. How we did this To examine the public’s attitudes on whether immigrants hold jobs that U.S. citizens would want, we surveyed 10,957 U.S. adults from April 29 to May 5, 2020. Everyone who took part is a member of Pew Research Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories. Read more about the ATP’s methodology.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/06/10/a-majority-of-americans-say-immigrants-mostly-fill-jobs-u-s-citizens-do-not-want/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983579610#2_2033503127

Title: Most Americans say immigrants mainly fill jobs US citizens don’t want | Pew Research Center Headings: A majority of Americans say immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want A majority of Americans say immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want Unauthorized immigrant workers in the U.S. Industries and occupations of U.S. legal and unauthorized immigrants Facts are more important than ever Content: How we did this To examine the public’s attitudes on whether immigrants hold jobs that U.S. citizens would want, we surveyed 10,957 U.S. adults from April 29 to May 5, 2020. Everyone who took part is a member of Pew Research Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories. Read more about the ATP’s methodology. Here are the questions used for this report, along with responses, and its methodology. Estimates of the U.S. unauthorized immigrant population and workforce are based on augmented 2017 American Community Survey data. A detailed explanation of the methodology used for the unauthorized immigrant population can be found here, and answers to frequently asked questions can be found here. For workforce estimates, “industry” refers to the kind of business conducted by an employing organization, while “occupation” refers to the kind of work people do on the job. More information on how industry and occupation categories were grouped for this analysis can be found here;

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/06/10/a-majority-of-americans-say-immigrants-mostly-fill-jobs-u-s-citizens-do-not-want/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983579610#3_2033505142

Title: Most Americans say immigrants mainly fill jobs US citizens don’t want | Pew Research Center Headings: A majority of Americans say immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want A majority of Americans say immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want Unauthorized immigrant workers in the U.S. Industries and occupations of U.S. legal and unauthorized immigrants Facts are more important than ever Content: Here are the questions used for this report, along with responses, and its methodology. Estimates of the U.S. unauthorized immigrant population and workforce are based on augmented 2017 American Community Survey data. A detailed explanation of the methodology used for the unauthorized immigrant population can be found here, and answers to frequently asked questions can be found here. For workforce estimates, “industry” refers to the kind of business conducted by an employing organization, while “occupation” refers to the kind of work people do on the job. More information on how industry and occupation categories were grouped for this analysis can be found here; the Census Bureau’s industry and occupation categories can be found here. Some of the biggest differences in views of whether undocumented immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want are along party lines. The vast majority of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents (87%) say this, compared with 66% of Republicans and Republican leaners. However, partisan differences are significantly wider on other issues related to undocumented immigrants. Differences also exist by educational attainment.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/06/10/a-majority-of-americans-say-immigrants-mostly-fill-jobs-u-s-citizens-do-not-want/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983579610#4_2033507040

Title: Most Americans say immigrants mainly fill jobs US citizens don’t want | Pew Research Center Headings: A majority of Americans say immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want A majority of Americans say immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want Unauthorized immigrant workers in the U.S. Industries and occupations of U.S. legal and unauthorized immigrants Facts are more important than ever Content: the Census Bureau’s industry and occupation categories can be found here. Some of the biggest differences in views of whether undocumented immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want are along party lines. The vast majority of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents (87%) say this, compared with 66% of Republicans and Republican leaners. However, partisan differences are significantly wider on other issues related to undocumented immigrants. Differences also exist by educational attainment. Large shares of U.S. adults with a postgraduate degree (88%) and those with a bachelor’s degree (84%) say undocumented immigrants mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want, compared with 78% of those with some college experience and 69% of those with a high school diploma or less. A majority of Americans across various groups also say legal immigrants currently in the country mostly fill jobs U.S. citizens do not want. Nearly two-thirds (64%) of Americans say this, including similar shares of white and black adults (62% each). About three-quarters of Hispanics (74%) say the same, with a higher share of Hispanic immigrants (81%) than U.S.-born Hispanics (68%) saying so. About 70% of the nation’s 42 million Hispanic adults have close immigrant connections – roughly 19 million are immigrants themselves, and almost 10 million born in the United States have at least one parent who is an immigrant, according to estimates from 2019 and 2020 Current Population Survey data.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/06/10/a-majority-of-americans-say-immigrants-mostly-fill-jobs-u-s-citizens-do-not-want/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983601091#0_2033551479

Title: On abortion, 3 in 10 or more Democrats, Republicans disagree with party | Pew Research Center Headings: Three-in-ten or more Democrats and Republicans don’t agree with their party on abortion Three-in-ten or more Democrats and Republicans don’t agree with their party on abortion Intraparty differences over whether abortion should be legal Facts are more important than ever Content: On abortion, 3 in 10 or more Democrats, Republicans disagree with party | Pew Research Center Three-in-ten or more Democrats and Republicans don’t agree with their party on abortion By Jeff Diamant When it comes to abortion, members of Congress are starkly divided by party. Almost all Democrats in the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives stand with their party in support of abortion rights, while almost all Republicans reflect their party’s position against abortion rights. Yet the partisan divide among Americans themselves is less stark, according to a 2019 Pew Research Center survey. As is true on many other political issues, sizable minorities of Republicans and Democrats say they do not agree with the dominant position on abortion of the party they identify with or lean toward. And within each partisan coalition, some groups are less likely than others to agree with their party on abortion. Overall, roughly one-third of Americans who identify as Republican or as Republican-leaning independents do not agree with their party on abortion (35%), including 12% who say they agree with the Democratic Party on abortion and 23% who say they do not agree with either party. Among Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents, three-in-ten do not agree with their party on abortion, including 7% who say they agree with the GOP and 22% who say they don’t agree with either party. ( The same 2019 survey found that roughly a fifth to a third of Americans don’t agree with their party on issues including policies to deal with the economy, health care and illegal immigration .) How we did this To better understand how Americans’ views on abortion align with partisan identification, we analyzed data from a previously published survey of 4,175 U.S. adults that was conducted July 22 to Aug. 4, 2019. All respondents to the survey are part of Pew Research Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/06/18/three-in-ten-or-more-democrats-and-republicans-dont-agree-with-their-party-on-abortion/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983601091#3_2033558467

Title: On abortion, 3 in 10 or more Democrats, Republicans disagree with party | Pew Research Center Headings: Three-in-ten or more Democrats and Republicans don’t agree with their party on abortion Three-in-ten or more Democrats and Republicans don’t agree with their party on abortion Intraparty differences over whether abortion should be legal Facts are more important than ever Content: Republicans who are religiously unaffiliated also are less likely than other Republicans to agree with their party on abortion. And four-in-ten Republicans who identify as liberal or moderate (41%) say they agree with the GOP on abortion, about half the share of those who identify as conservative (81%). Among Democrats, 56% of those with a high school diploma or less education agree with their party on abortion, compared with 84% of college graduates who say this. In addition, roughly six-in-ten black (58%) and Hispanic (59%) Democrats support the party on abortion, compared with eight-in-ten white Democrats. And Democrats who identify as conservative or moderate also are much less likely to agree with their party than those who identify as liberal (57% vs. 85%). Those who live in the South (64%) or are affiliated with a religion also are less likely than other Democrats to agree with their party. Support for abortion rights has increased among Democrats and those who lean toward the Democratic Party over the past decade. And during this year’s party primaries, some presidential candidates struck different notes on whether abortion opponents have a place in the party. Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders said “ being pro-choice is an absolutely essential part of being a Democrat ,” while Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar said “ pro-life Democrats … are part of our party, and I think we need to build a big tent .” Joe Biden, the Democratic Party’s presumptive nominee, has changed his views on abortion during his political career.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/06/18/three-in-ten-or-more-democrats-and-republicans-dont-agree-with-their-party-on-abortion/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983601091#4_2033560706

Title: On abortion, 3 in 10 or more Democrats, Republicans disagree with party | Pew Research Center Headings: Three-in-ten or more Democrats and Republicans don’t agree with their party on abortion Three-in-ten or more Democrats and Republicans don’t agree with their party on abortion Intraparty differences over whether abortion should be legal Facts are more important than ever Content: Those who live in the South (64%) or are affiliated with a religion also are less likely than other Democrats to agree with their party. Support for abortion rights has increased among Democrats and those who lean toward the Democratic Party over the past decade. And during this year’s party primaries, some presidential candidates struck different notes on whether abortion opponents have a place in the party. Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders said “ being pro-choice is an absolutely essential part of being a Democrat ,” while Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar said “ pro-life Democrats … are part of our party, and I think we need to build a big tent .” Joe Biden, the Democratic Party’s presumptive nominee, has changed his views on abortion during his political career. While he has long supported Roe v. Wade, the 1973 Supreme Court ruling for a constitutional right to abortion in at least the first trimester, Biden also has often backed curbs on abortion. In 2006 he characterized himself as being “ a little bit of an odd man out in my party ” on the issue. President Donald Trump also has expressed different views on abortion over time. In 1999, vying for the Reform Party’s presidential candidacy, he characterized himself as “ pro-choice in every respect .” This year, he became the first sitting president to attend the March for Life and told participants: “

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/06/18/three-in-ten-or-more-democrats-and-republicans-dont-agree-with-their-party-on-abortion/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983601091#5_2033562801

Title: On abortion, 3 in 10 or more Democrats, Republicans disagree with party | Pew Research Center Headings: Three-in-ten or more Democrats and Republicans don’t agree with their party on abortion Three-in-ten or more Democrats and Republicans don’t agree with their party on abortion Intraparty differences over whether abortion should be legal Facts are more important than ever Content: While he has long supported Roe v. Wade, the 1973 Supreme Court ruling for a constitutional right to abortion in at least the first trimester, Biden also has often backed curbs on abortion. In 2006 he characterized himself as being “ a little bit of an odd man out in my party ” on the issue. President Donald Trump also has expressed different views on abortion over time. In 1999, vying for the Reform Party’s presidential candidacy, he characterized himself as “ pro-choice in every respect .” This year, he became the first sitting president to attend the March for Life and told participants: “ Unborn children have never had a stronger defender in the White House .” Intraparty differences over whether abortion should be legal Another way to examine intraparty differences on abortion – especially since the official stances of both parties have evolved over time – is to see how people feel about whether it should be legal. Most Republicans and their leaners say abortion should be illegal (62%) in all or most cases, with a larger share saying it should be illegal in most cases (45%) than in all cases (17%). Republicans who live in the Northeast and those who identify as moderate or liberal are less likely than other Republicans to say abortion should be illegal in all cases. Democrats, for their part, are more unified in support of legal abortion than Republicans are against it, with 82% of Democrats saying abortion should be legal all or most of the time.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/06/18/three-in-ten-or-more-democrats-and-republicans-dont-agree-with-their-party-on-abortion/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983601091#6_2033564986

Title: On abortion, 3 in 10 or more Democrats, Republicans disagree with party | Pew Research Center Headings: Three-in-ten or more Democrats and Republicans don’t agree with their party on abortion Three-in-ten or more Democrats and Republicans don’t agree with their party on abortion Intraparty differences over whether abortion should be legal Facts are more important than ever Content: Unborn children have never had a stronger defender in the White House .” Intraparty differences over whether abortion should be legal Another way to examine intraparty differences on abortion – especially since the official stances of both parties have evolved over time – is to see how people feel about whether it should be legal. Most Republicans and their leaners say abortion should be illegal (62%) in all or most cases, with a larger share saying it should be illegal in most cases (45%) than in all cases (17%). Republicans who live in the Northeast and those who identify as moderate or liberal are less likely than other Republicans to say abortion should be illegal in all cases. Democrats, for their part, are more unified in support of legal abortion than Republicans are against it, with 82% of Democrats saying abortion should be legal all or most of the time. But Democrats are roughly split on whether it should be legal in all cases (40%) or most cases (42%). Democrats who live in the South, those who are ages 65 and older, and those who identify as conservative or moderate are less likely than other Democrats to say abortion should be legal in all cases. Whether people hold an absolutist stance on abortion is tied to how strongly they support their party on the issue. For example, Republicans and GOP leaners who say abortion should be illegal in all cases are more likely to say they agree strongly with the GOP on abortion than to say they agree somewhat (73% vs. 9%). And Democrats and their leaners who say abortion should be legal in all cases also are more likely to say they agree strongly with their party than to say they agree only somewhat (70% vs. 11%).

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/06/18/three-in-ten-or-more-democrats-and-republicans-dont-agree-with-their-party-on-abortion/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_983601091#7_2033567357

Title: On abortion, 3 in 10 or more Democrats, Republicans disagree with party | Pew Research Center Headings: Three-in-ten or more Democrats and Republicans don’t agree with their party on abortion Three-in-ten or more Democrats and Republicans don’t agree with their party on abortion Intraparty differences over whether abortion should be legal Facts are more important than ever Content: But Democrats are roughly split on whether it should be legal in all cases (40%) or most cases (42%). Democrats who live in the South, those who are ages 65 and older, and those who identify as conservative or moderate are less likely than other Democrats to say abortion should be legal in all cases. Whether people hold an absolutist stance on abortion is tied to how strongly they support their party on the issue. For example, Republicans and GOP leaners who say abortion should be illegal in all cases are more likely to say they agree strongly with the GOP on abortion than to say they agree somewhat (73% vs. 9%). And Democrats and their leaners who say abortion should be legal in all cases also are more likely to say they agree strongly with their party than to say they agree only somewhat (70% vs. 11%). Note: Here are the questions used for this analysis, along with responses, and its methodology. Topics Political Parties Religion & Government Religion & Government Religion & Government Jeff Diamant is a senior writer/editor focusing on religion at Pew Research Center. POSTS BIO EMAIL Facts are more important than ever In times of uncertainty, good decisions demand good data. Please support our research with a financial contribution.

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/06/18/three-in-ten-or-more-democrats-and-republicans-dont-agree-with-their-party-on-abortion/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984003609#2_2034362592

Title: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History | Pew Research Center Headings: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History I. Overview Comparing the Census Bureau’s Turnout Estimate with the Reported Vote Tally About this Report A Note on Terminology Facts are more important than ever Content: For Hispanics, participation levels also increased, with the voter turnout rate rising 2.7 percentage points, from 47.2% in 2004 to 49.9% in 2008. Among Asians, voter participation rates increased from 44.6% in 2004 to 47.0% in 2008. Meanwhile, among white eligible voters, the voter turnout rate fell slightly, from 67.2% in 2004 to 66.1% in 2008. Much of the surge in black voter participation in 2008 was driven by increased participation among black women and younger voters. The voter turnout rate among eligible black female voters increased 5.1 percentage points, from 63.7% in 2004 to 68.8% in 2008. Overall, among all racial, ethnic and gender groups, black women had the highest voter turnout rate in November’s election—a first. Blacks ages 18 to 29 increased their voter turnout rate by 8.7 percentage points, from 49.5% in 2004 to 58.2% in 2008, according to an analysis by the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE) at Tufts University. The voter turnout rate among young black eligible voters was higher than that of young eligible voters of any other racial and ethnic group in 2008. This, too, was a first (Kirby and Kawashima-Ginsberg, 2009). The increased diversity of the electorate was also driven by population growth, especially among Latinos.

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2009/04/30/dissecting-the-2008-electorate-most-diverse-in-us-history/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984003609#3_2034364541

Title: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History | Pew Research Center Headings: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History I. Overview Comparing the Census Bureau’s Turnout Estimate with the Reported Vote Tally About this Report A Note on Terminology Facts are more important than ever Content: Overall, among all racial, ethnic and gender groups, black women had the highest voter turnout rate in November’s election—a first. Blacks ages 18 to 29 increased their voter turnout rate by 8.7 percentage points, from 49.5% in 2004 to 58.2% in 2008, according to an analysis by the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE) at Tufts University. The voter turnout rate among young black eligible voters was higher than that of young eligible voters of any other racial and ethnic group in 2008. This, too, was a first (Kirby and Kawashima-Ginsberg, 2009). The increased diversity of the electorate was also driven by population growth, especially among Latinos. Between 2004 and 2008, the number of Latino eligible voters rose from 16.1 million in 2004 to 19.5 million in 2008, or 21.4%. In comparison, among the general population, the total number of eligible voters increased by just 4.6%. Population Definitions Based on the Current Population Survey, November Supplement Voting Age Population: The population of persons ages 18 and older. Voting Eligible Population:

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2009/04/30/dissecting-the-2008-electorate-most-diverse-in-us-history/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984003609#5_2034367591

Title: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History | Pew Research Center Headings: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History I. Overview Comparing the Census Bureau’s Turnout Estimate with the Reported Vote Tally About this Report A Note on Terminology Facts are more important than ever Content: Persons ages 18 and older who are U.S. citizens. Registered Voter Population: Persons who say they were registered to vote in their state in the 2008 election. Voter Population or Voter Turnout: Persons who say they voted in the November 2008 election. Voter Turnout Rate: Share of the voting eligible population who say they voted. In 2008, Latino eligible voters accounted for 9.5% of all eligible voters, up from 8.2% in 2004. Similarly, the share of eligible voters who were black increased from 11.6% in 2004 to 11.8% in 2008. The share of eligible voters who were Asian also increased, from 3.3% in 2004 to 3.4% in 2008.

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2009/04/30/dissecting-the-2008-electorate-most-diverse-in-us-history/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984003609#6_2034368852

Title: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History | Pew Research Center Headings: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History I. Overview Comparing the Census Bureau’s Turnout Estimate with the Reported Vote Tally About this Report A Note on Terminology Facts are more important than ever Content: Voter Turnout Rate: Share of the voting eligible population who say they voted. In 2008, Latino eligible voters accounted for 9.5% of all eligible voters, up from 8.2% in 2004. Similarly, the share of eligible voters who were black increased from 11.6% in 2004 to 11.8% in 2008. The share of eligible voters who were Asian also increased, from 3.3% in 2004 to 3.4% in 2008. In contrast, the share of eligible voters who were white fell from 75.2% in 2004 to 73.4% in 2008. With population growth and increased voter participation among blacks, Latinos and Asians, members of all three groups cast more votes in 2008 than in 2004. Two million more blacks and 2 million more Latinos reported voting in 2008 than said the same in 2004. Among Asians, 338,000 more votes were reported cast in 2008 than in 2004. The number of white voters in 2008 was also up, but only slightly—increasing from 99.6 million in 2004 to 100 million in 2008.

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2009/04/30/dissecting-the-2008-electorate-most-diverse-in-us-history/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984003609#7_2034370424

Title: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History | Pew Research Center Headings: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History I. Overview Comparing the Census Bureau’s Turnout Estimate with the Reported Vote Tally About this Report A Note on Terminology Facts are more important than ever Content: In contrast, the share of eligible voters who were white fell from 75.2% in 2004 to 73.4% in 2008. With population growth and increased voter participation among blacks, Latinos and Asians, members of all three groups cast more votes in 2008 than in 2004. Two million more blacks and 2 million more Latinos reported voting in 2008 than said the same in 2004. Among Asians, 338,000 more votes were reported cast in 2008 than in 2004. The number of white voters in 2008 was also up, but only slightly—increasing from 99.6 million in 2004 to 100 million in 2008. The Pew Research Center analysis of Census Bureau data also finds a distinct regional pattern in the state-by-state increases in turnout. From 2004 to 2008, the greatest increases were in Southern states with large black eligible voter populations: Mississippi (where the voter turnout rate was up 8 percentage points), Georgia (7.5 points), North Carolina (6.1 points) and Louisiana (6.0 points). It also increased in the District of Columbia (6.9 points). 5 According to the exit polls in last year’s presidential election, the candidate preference of non-white voters was distinctly different from that of white voters.

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2009/04/30/dissecting-the-2008-electorate-most-diverse-in-us-history/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984003609#8_2034372251

Title: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History | Pew Research Center Headings: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History I. Overview Comparing the Census Bureau’s Turnout Estimate with the Reported Vote Tally About this Report A Note on Terminology Facts are more important than ever Content: The Pew Research Center analysis of Census Bureau data also finds a distinct regional pattern in the state-by-state increases in turnout. From 2004 to 2008, the greatest increases were in Southern states with large black eligible voter populations: Mississippi (where the voter turnout rate was up 8 percentage points), Georgia (7.5 points), North Carolina (6.1 points) and Louisiana (6.0 points). It also increased in the District of Columbia (6.9 points). 5 According to the exit polls in last year’s presidential election, the candidate preference of non-white voters was distinctly different from that of white voters. Nearly all (95%) black voters cast their ballot for Democrat Barack Obama. Among Latino voters, 67% voted for Obama while 31% voted for Republican John McCain. Among Asian voters, 62% supported Obama and 35% voted for McCain. In contrast, white voters supported McCain (55%) over Obama (43%). This report summarizes the participation of voters in the 2008 presidential election and follows reports from the Pew Hispanic Center, a project of the Pew Research Center, on the Latino vote ( Lopez and Livingston, 2009;

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2009/04/30/dissecting-the-2008-electorate-most-diverse-in-us-history/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984003609#9_2034374028

Title: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History | Pew Research Center Headings: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History I. Overview Comparing the Census Bureau’s Turnout Estimate with the Reported Vote Tally About this Report A Note on Terminology Facts are more important than ever Content: Nearly all (95%) black voters cast their ballot for Democrat Barack Obama. Among Latino voters, 67% voted for Obama while 31% voted for Republican John McCain. Among Asian voters, 62% supported Obama and 35% voted for McCain. In contrast, white voters supported McCain (55%) over Obama (43%). This report summarizes the participation of voters in the 2008 presidential election and follows reports from the Pew Hispanic Center, a project of the Pew Research Center, on the Latino vote ( Lopez and Livingston, 2009; Lopez, 2008; Taylor and Fry, 2007) and Latino public opinion about the election and the candidates ( Lopez and Minushkin, 2008 ). The data for this report are derived from the November Voting and Registration Supplement of the Current Population Survey (CPS). The CPS is a monthly survey of about 55,000 households conducted by the Census Bureau for the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The November Voting and Registration Supplement is one of the richest sources available of information about the characteristics of voters.

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2009/04/30/dissecting-the-2008-electorate-most-diverse-in-us-history/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984003609#10_2034375698

Title: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History | Pew Research Center Headings: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History I. Overview Comparing the Census Bureau’s Turnout Estimate with the Reported Vote Tally About this Report A Note on Terminology Facts are more important than ever Content: Lopez, 2008; Taylor and Fry, 2007) and Latino public opinion about the election and the candidates ( Lopez and Minushkin, 2008 ). The data for this report are derived from the November Voting and Registration Supplement of the Current Population Survey (CPS). The CPS is a monthly survey of about 55,000 households conducted by the Census Bureau for the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The November Voting and Registration Supplement is one of the richest sources available of information about the characteristics of voters. It is conducted after Election Day and relies on survey respondent self-reports of voting and voter registration. Comparing the Census Bureau’s Turnout Estimate with the Reported Vote Tally The Census Bureau’s biannual Current Population Survey November Voting and Registration Supplement is the most comprehensive data source available for examining the demographic composition of the electorate in federal elections. However, because it relies on post-election self-reporting by survey respondents in some 55,000 households, these weighted CPS estimates of turnout never match up precisely with the actual number of votes tallied in the 50 states. According to the CPS, an estimated 131.1 million U.S. citizens voted in the 2008 presidential election – slightly less than the 131.3 million votes cast for president, as reported by the Center for the Study of the American Electorate ( Gans, 2008) and other sources ( McDonald, 2009 ). This is the first time since the Census Bureau began taking a post-election survey in 1964 that its estimate is smaller than the number of votes tallied by the states.

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2009/04/30/dissecting-the-2008-electorate-most-diverse-in-us-history/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984003609#11_2034377975

Title: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History | Pew Research Center Headings: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History I. Overview Comparing the Census Bureau’s Turnout Estimate with the Reported Vote Tally About this Report A Note on Terminology Facts are more important than ever Content: It is conducted after Election Day and relies on survey respondent self-reports of voting and voter registration. Comparing the Census Bureau’s Turnout Estimate with the Reported Vote Tally The Census Bureau’s biannual Current Population Survey November Voting and Registration Supplement is the most comprehensive data source available for examining the demographic composition of the electorate in federal elections. However, because it relies on post-election self-reporting by survey respondents in some 55,000 households, these weighted CPS estimates of turnout never match up precisely with the actual number of votes tallied in the 50 states. According to the CPS, an estimated 131.1 million U.S. citizens voted in the 2008 presidential election – slightly less than the 131.3 million votes cast for president, as reported by the Center for the Study of the American Electorate ( Gans, 2008) and other sources ( McDonald, 2009 ). This is the first time since the Census Bureau began taking a post-election survey in 1964 that its estimate is smaller than the number of votes tallied by the states. Prior to 2008, the gap had always run in the opposite direction, with variances ranging between a low of 2.8% (in 2004) and a high of 11.6% (in 1988). Since the 1996 presidential election, the gap has narrowed steadily, and in 2008, the lines crossed for the first time. Election experts and scholars who have examined this gap over the years have theorized that it stems, at least in part, from a tendency of some Census Bureau survey respondents to report that they had voted even if they had not (Bernstein, Chadha and Montjoy, 2001). Another possible explanation is that in every election, some small portion of ballots are improperly cast and do not become a part of the official count—but the voters who cast such ballots report to the Census Bureau that they had voted. There is no consensus among experts to explain the recent convergence in the number of votes tallied by the states and those reported by the Census Bureau.

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2009/04/30/dissecting-the-2008-electorate-most-diverse-in-us-history/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984003609#12_2034380668

Title: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History | Pew Research Center Headings: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History I. Overview Comparing the Census Bureau’s Turnout Estimate with the Reported Vote Tally About this Report A Note on Terminology Facts are more important than ever Content: Prior to 2008, the gap had always run in the opposite direction, with variances ranging between a low of 2.8% (in 2004) and a high of 11.6% (in 1988). Since the 1996 presidential election, the gap has narrowed steadily, and in 2008, the lines crossed for the first time. Election experts and scholars who have examined this gap over the years have theorized that it stems, at least in part, from a tendency of some Census Bureau survey respondents to report that they had voted even if they had not (Bernstein, Chadha and Montjoy, 2001). Another possible explanation is that in every election, some small portion of ballots are improperly cast and do not become a part of the official count—but the voters who cast such ballots report to the Census Bureau that they had voted. There is no consensus among experts to explain the recent convergence in the number of votes tallied by the states and those reported by the Census Bureau. One possibility is that there has been a decline in spoiled, uncounted ballots in recent elections. Another possibility is that there has been an increase in voting by U.S. citizens living abroad – a group that is not included in the CPS survey ( McDonald, 2009 ). A third possible explanation is that the accuracy of the CPS itself may have improved. About this Report This report summarizes the participation and characteristics of voters in the 2008 presidential election. The data for this report are derived from the November Voting and Registration Supplement of the Current Population Survey.

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2009/04/30/dissecting-the-2008-electorate-most-diverse-in-us-history/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984003609#13_2034382846

Title: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History | Pew Research Center Headings: Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S. History I. Overview Comparing the Census Bureau’s Turnout Estimate with the Reported Vote Tally About this Report A Note on Terminology Facts are more important than ever Content: One possibility is that there has been a decline in spoiled, uncounted ballots in recent elections. Another possibility is that there has been an increase in voting by U.S. citizens living abroad – a group that is not included in the CPS survey ( McDonald, 2009 ). A third possible explanation is that the accuracy of the CPS itself may have improved. About this Report This report summarizes the participation and characteristics of voters in the 2008 presidential election. The data for this report are derived from the November Voting and Registration Supplement of the Current Population Survey. The CPS is a monthly survey of about 55,000 households conducted by the Census Bureau for the Bureau of Labor Statistics and the Census Bureau. The November Voting and Registration Supplement is one of the richest sources of information about the characteristics of voters available. It is conducted after Election Day and relies on survey respondent self-reports of voting and voter registration. A Note on Terminology The terms “Latino” and “Hispanic” are used interchangeably in this report. The terms “whites,” “blacks” and “Asians” are used to refer to the non-Hispanic components of their population.

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2009/04/30/dissecting-the-2008-electorate-most-diverse-in-us-history/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984171938#0_2034656805

Title: Latinos' experiences with discrimination | Pew Research Center Headings: 2. Latinos and discrimination 2. Latinos and discrimination Many Hispanics say others see them as Hispanic Latino experiences with discrimination in the past year Content: Latinos' experiences with discrimination | Pew Research Center More Latinos Have Serious Concerns About Their Place in America Under Trump 2. Latinos and discrimination By Mark Hugo Lopez, Ana Gonzalez-Barrera and Jens Manuel Krogstad Overall, four-in-ten Latinos say they have experienced discrimination in the past year, such as being criticized for speaking Spanish or being told to go back to their home country. These experiences are more likely among those who say others see them as Latino, black or another non-white group than among Latinos who say others see them as white. At the same time, just as many Latinos say someone in the past year had expressed support for them because they are Latino. Many Hispanics say others see them as Hispanic About two-thirds of U.S. Hispanics (68%) say that if people passed them on the street they would describe them as Hispanic or Latino. Hispanics who are foreign born (79%) and second generation (68%) are more likely than the third or higher generation (50%) to say this. Meanwhile, about one-in-five Hispanics (18%) say people passing them on the street would describe them as white. This share increases as immigrant connections grow distant. About 10% of Hispanic immigrants say a person would describe them as white, while 16% of the second generation and 33% of the third or higher generation say the same. Many Hispanics with lower levels of education also say those passing them on the street would see them as Hispanic or Latino.

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2018/10/25/latinos-and-discrimination/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984171938#1_2034658750

Title: Latinos' experiences with discrimination | Pew Research Center Headings: 2. Latinos and discrimination 2. Latinos and discrimination Many Hispanics say others see them as Hispanic Latino experiences with discrimination in the past year Content: Hispanics who are foreign born (79%) and second generation (68%) are more likely than the third or higher generation (50%) to say this. Meanwhile, about one-in-five Hispanics (18%) say people passing them on the street would describe them as white. This share increases as immigrant connections grow distant. About 10% of Hispanic immigrants say a person would describe them as white, while 16% of the second generation and 33% of the third or higher generation say the same. Many Hispanics with lower levels of education also say those passing them on the street would see them as Hispanic or Latino. About three-quarters of Hispanics with a high school diploma or less (77%) say this, compared with 56% of those with some college education or higher. By contrast, about a quarter of Hispanics with some college education or higher (27%) say people passing them on the street would describe them as white, compared with 12% of those with a high school education or less. Latino experiences with discrimination in the past year Nearly four-in-10 Latinos (37%) say that during the past 12 months, someone has expressed support for them because they are Hispanic or Latino. Yet about the same share (38%) also say they have recently experienced one of four incidents – being called offensive names, being told to go back to their home country, being criticized for speaking Spanish in public, or experiencing discrimination or unfair treatment because they are Hispanic. Overall, about a quarter of Latinos (24%) say someone has discriminated against them or treated them unfairly because of their background, while 22% say someone has criticized them for speaking Spanish in public.

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2018/10/25/latinos-and-discrimination/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984171938#2_2034660889

Title: Latinos' experiences with discrimination | Pew Research Center Headings: 2. Latinos and discrimination 2. Latinos and discrimination Many Hispanics say others see them as Hispanic Latino experiences with discrimination in the past year Content: About three-quarters of Hispanics with a high school diploma or less (77%) say this, compared with 56% of those with some college education or higher. By contrast, about a quarter of Hispanics with some college education or higher (27%) say people passing them on the street would describe them as white, compared with 12% of those with a high school education or less. Latino experiences with discrimination in the past year Nearly four-in-10 Latinos (37%) say that during the past 12 months, someone has expressed support for them because they are Hispanic or Latino. Yet about the same share (38%) also say they have recently experienced one of four incidents – being called offensive names, being told to go back to their home country, being criticized for speaking Spanish in public, or experiencing discrimination or unfair treatment because they are Hispanic. Overall, about a quarter of Latinos (24%) say someone has discriminated against them or treated them unfairly because of their background, while 22% say someone has criticized them for speaking Spanish in public. About 20% say they have been told to go back to their home country, and about 16% say they have been called offensive names. Hispanic immigrants and second-generation Hispanics (those born in the U.S. to at least one immigrant parent) report more often than third or higher generation Hispanics being subjected to three of the four incidents asked about in the survey – being criticized for speaking Spanish, being told to go back to their home country and experiencing discrimination or unfair treatment. The share of Latinos who say they have received an expression of support over the past year is higher among Spanish-dominant (44%) and bilingual speakers (39%) than among English-dominant speakers (27%). The bilingual and Spanish dominant also reported more discrimination. About a quarter of Latinos who are bilingual (28%) and Spanish dominant (25%) say they have experienced discrimination or been treated unfairly, compared with 19% of English-dominant Latinos.

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2018/10/25/latinos-and-discrimination/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984171938#3_2034663404

Title: Latinos' experiences with discrimination | Pew Research Center Headings: 2. Latinos and discrimination 2. Latinos and discrimination Many Hispanics say others see them as Hispanic Latino experiences with discrimination in the past year Content: About 20% say they have been told to go back to their home country, and about 16% say they have been called offensive names. Hispanic immigrants and second-generation Hispanics (those born in the U.S. to at least one immigrant parent) report more often than third or higher generation Hispanics being subjected to three of the four incidents asked about in the survey – being criticized for speaking Spanish, being told to go back to their home country and experiencing discrimination or unfair treatment. The share of Latinos who say they have received an expression of support over the past year is higher among Spanish-dominant (44%) and bilingual speakers (39%) than among English-dominant speakers (27%). The bilingual and Spanish dominant also reported more discrimination. About a quarter of Latinos who are bilingual (28%) and Spanish dominant (25%) say they have experienced discrimination or been treated unfairly, compared with 19% of English-dominant Latinos. For Hispanics, the way the world views their race or ethnicity is linked to how often people express support for them and how often they experience discrimination. Latinos who say people walking past them on the street would see them as Hispanic or Latino or as black are more likely to say someone expressed support for them in the past year because they are Latino. Those who say others see them as white are less likely to say this has happened. A similar pattern is true when it comes to experiencing discrimination: Those who say others see them as white are less likely than other groups of Latinos to report experiencing one of the four incidents asked about in the survey.

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2018/10/25/latinos-and-discrimination/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984241099#9_2034805791

Title: Facts on Latinos in America | Pew Research Center Headings: Facts on Latinos in the U.S. Facts on Latinos in the U.S. Hispanic population in the U.S., 2000-2017 Top three states by share of U.S. Hispanic population, 2017 Top 10 U.S. metropolitan areas by Hispanic population, 2017 Length of time in the U.S. for Hispanic immigrants, 2000-2017 English proficiency of Hispanic population in the U.S., 2017 Educational attainment of Hispanic population in the U.S., 2017 U.S. Hispanic population living in poverty, 2017 Demographic characteristics of U.S. Hispanic population, 2017 Economic characteristics of U.S. Hispanic population, 2017 Origin country-specific fact sheets Download Data Methodology Content: </script> % among those ages 5 and older who are English proficient Group English proficient All 70% U.S. born 90% Foreign born 36% Adults 64% Note: Hispanics are of any race. Proficient English speakers are those who speak only English at home or speak English at least "very well." Source: Pew Research Center tabulations of 2017 American Community Surveys (1% IPUMS). Pew Research Center Educational attainment of Hispanic population in the U.S., 2017 Chart Data Share Embed Created with Highcharts 9.1.0 % of those age 25 and older, by educational attainment 59 ​ 59 47 ​ 47 71 ​ 71 39 ​ 39 25 ​ 25 33 ​ 33 17 ​ 17 29 ​ 29 16 ​ 16 20 ​ 20 12 ​ 12 32 ​ 32 High school or less Two-year degree/Some college Bachelor's degree or more All Hispanics U.S. born Hispanics Foreign born Hispanics All Americans 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Share this chart: Download as PNG Share on Twitter Share on Facebook Copy and paste the below iframe code into your own website to embed this chart. <iframe src="https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/chart/u-s-hispanics-education/iframe/" id="pew27965" scrolling="no" width="100%" height="100px" frameborder="0"></iframe> <script type='text/javascript'id='pew-iframe'> (function () {function async_load () {var s=document.createElement ('script');s.type='text/javascript';s.async=true;s.src='https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/wp-content/plugins/pew-refactor-shim/pew-scripts/js/iframeResizer.min.js';s.onload=s.onreadystatechange=function () {var rs=this.readyState;try {iFrameResize ( [],'iframe#pew27965')}catch (e) {}}; var embedder=document.getElementById ('pew-iframe');embedder.parentNode.insertBefore (s,embedder)}if (window.attachEvent)window.attachEvent ('onload',async_load);else window.addEventListener ('load',async_load,false)}) (); </script> % of those

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/fact-sheet/latinos-in-the-u-s-fact-sheet/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984322161#3_2034960248

Title: Facts on Latinos of Mexican origin in the U.S. | Pew Research Center Headings: Facts on Hispanics of Mexican origin in the United States, 2017 Facts on Hispanics of Mexican origin in the United States, 2017 Mexican-origin population in the U.S., 2000-2017 Immigration status Educational attainment Income Poverty status Homeownership Top states of residence Age Marital status Fertility Language Download the data Other U.S. Hispanic fact sheets Methodology Content: It is based on Pew Research Center tabulations of the 2017 American Community Survey. Key facts include: Immigration status Among Hispanics in the U.S., about 33% are foreign born, compared with 31% of U.S. Mexicans. About 50% of foreign-born Mexicans have been in the U.S. for over 20 years, and 31% of foreign-born Mexicans are U.S. citizens. Educational attainment About 16% of U.S. Hispanics ages 25 and older have obtained at least a bachelor’s degree, compared with 12% of Mexicans. Among Mexicans ages 25 and older, the U.S. born are more likely than the foreign born to have a bachelor’s degree or higher (17% vs. 7%). Income Among U.S. Hispanics and Mexicans, the median annual personal earnings for those ages 16 and older was $25,000. Looking at full-time, year-round workers, U.S. Hispanics earned $34,000, while Mexicans earned $32,000. Poverty status The share of U.S. Hispanics who live in poverty is 19%, compared with 20% for Mexicans. About 20% of U.S.-born Mexicans live in poverty, as do 19% of foreign-born Mexicans.

https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/fact-sheet/u-s-hispanics-facts-on-mexican-origin-latinos/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984722907#3_2035831003

Title: How Americans Use Social Media at Work | Pew Research Center Headings: Social Media and the Workplace Social Media and the Workplace New platforms can be tools for connection with colleagues and outside experts, but can also serve as distractions while on the job Workers turn to social media for a range of reasons while at work, with taking a mental break being among the most common Many employers have rules for how employees use social media at work Relatively few workers use specific social media platforms for work-related purposes, and the impact of that use is not always clear-cut One-quarter of workers report that they never use the internet for work-related tasks in the course of a typical day Sign up for our Internet, Science & Tech newsletter Content: Many employers have rules for how employees use social media at work Many workers report that their employers have policies about social media use on the job, or about how employees may present themselves in various online spaces. Half of all full-time and part-time workers (51%) say their workplace has rules about using social media while at work (45% say their employer does not have these policies), while 32% report that their employer has policies about how employees may present themselves on the internet in general (63% say their employer does not have these policies). Policies that regulate how employers present themselves online outside of work may be expected to influence whether these workers use social media at all. However, this does not seem to be the case: Fully 77% of workers report using social media regardless of whether their employer has such a policy in place. At the same time, there is some evidence that workplace policies concerning social media use while on the job may have an effect. Workers whose companies have policies regulating social media use at work are less likely to use social media in certain ways: 30% of workers whose companies have an at-work social media policy say they use social media while on the job to take a break from work, compared with 40% of workers whose employers do not have such policies. 20% of workers whose employers have at-work social media policies say they use social media to stay connected to family and friends while on the job, compared with 35% of workers whose social media use is not regulated at work. Only 16% of workers whose companies regulate social media at work say they use social media while working to get information that’s helpful to their job, compared with 25% of those whose workplaces have no such regulations.

https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2016/06/22/social-media-and-the-workplace/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984722907#4_2035833803

Title: How Americans Use Social Media at Work | Pew Research Center Headings: Social Media and the Workplace Social Media and the Workplace New platforms can be tools for connection with colleagues and outside experts, but can also serve as distractions while on the job Workers turn to social media for a range of reasons while at work, with taking a mental break being among the most common Many employers have rules for how employees use social media at work Relatively few workers use specific social media platforms for work-related purposes, and the impact of that use is not always clear-cut One-quarter of workers report that they never use the internet for work-related tasks in the course of a typical day Sign up for our Internet, Science & Tech newsletter Content: At the same time, there is some evidence that workplace policies concerning social media use while on the job may have an effect. Workers whose companies have policies regulating social media use at work are less likely to use social media in certain ways: 30% of workers whose companies have an at-work social media policy say they use social media while on the job to take a break from work, compared with 40% of workers whose employers do not have such policies. 20% of workers whose employers have at-work social media policies say they use social media to stay connected to family and friends while on the job, compared with 35% of workers whose social media use is not regulated at work. Only 16% of workers whose companies regulate social media at work say they use social media while working to get information that’s helpful to their job, compared with 25% of those whose workplaces have no such regulations. On the other hand, workers are equally likely to say they use social media for a range of purposes regardless of their workplace policy, including: Making or supporting professional contacts that help them do their job Learning more about someone they work with Building or strengthening personal relationships with coworkers Asking work-related questions of people outside their organization Asking work-related questions of people inside their organization Relatively few workers use specific social media platforms for work-related purposes, and the impact of that use is not always clear-cut A relatively modest share of workers say they have incorporated specific social media platforms into their day-to-day work lives: 19% of workers say they ever use Facebook for work-related purposes. 14% ever use LinkedIn for work-related purposes. 3% ever use Twitter for work-related purposes.

https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2016/06/22/social-media-and-the-workplace/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_984989660#1_2036284798

Title: Who uses Facebook, Instagram and LinkedIn | Pew Research Center Headings: Who uses Facebook, Instagram and LinkedIn Topics Regions & Countries Formats Topics Regions & Countries Formats Who uses Facebook, Instagram and LinkedIn Content: Survey of U.S. adults conducted Jan. 25-Feb. 8, 2021. 1615 L St. NW, Suite 800 Washington, DC 20036 USA (+1) 202-419-4300 | Main (+1) 202-857-8562 | Fax (+1) 202-419-4372 | Media Inquiries About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts.

https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/chart/who-uses-facebook-instagram-linkedin-and-twitter/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_985172484#0_2036524387

Title: Media Credibility | Pew Research Center Headings: Media Credibility Media Credibility Print Credibility Also Low Online News Sites Partisan Gap in Credibility Ratings Content: Media Credibility | Pew Research Center Key News Audiences Now Blend Online and Traditional Sources Media Credibility The public continues to express skepticism about what they see, hear and read in the media. No major news outlet – whether broadcast or cable, print or online – stands out as particularly credible. There has been little change in public perceptions of the credibility of most major news organizations between 2006 and 2008. Over the last 10 years, however, virtually every news organization or program has seen its credibility marks decline. In 1998, for example, 42% of those who could rate CNN gave it the highest rating for credibility (four on a scale from one to four). That fell to 28% in 2006, and remains low in the current survey (30%). Credibility ratings for several other television news organizations – including the three major broadcast news outlets – also have declined since 1998. Comparable percentages say they can believe all or most of what NBC News (24%), ABC News (24%) and CBS News (22%) report (based on those who can rate those organizations). Credibility ratings for the Fox News Channel have remained largely stable in recent years. Currently, 23% say they can believe all or most of what they hear from Fox, down slightly from 2006 and 2004 (25%).

https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2008/08/17/media-credibility/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_985356579#4_2036839258

Title: Americans' Trust in Government, Each Other, Leaders | Pew Research Center Headings: Trust and Distrust in America Trust and Distrust in America Many Americans think declining trust in the government and in each other makes it harder to solve key problems. They have a wealth of ideas about what’s gone wrong and how to fix it Content: The new survey of 10,618 U.S. adults, conducted Nov. 27-Dec. 10, 2018, using the Center’s nationally representative American Trends Panel, covers a wide range of trust-related issues and adds context to debates about the state of trust and distrust in the nation. The margin of sampling error for the full sample is plus or minus 1.5 percentage points. In addition to asking traditional questions about whether Americans have confidence in institutions and other human beings, the survey explores links between institutional trust and interpersonal trust and examines the degree to which the public thinks the nation is shackled by these issues. This research is part of the Center’s extensive and ongoing focus on issues tied to trust, facts and democracy and the interplay among them. Here are some of the main findings. Levels of personal trust are associated with race and ethnicity, age, education and household income. To explore these connections, we asked questions about people’s general trust or distrust in others, their sense of the exploitative tendencies or fairness of others, and their assessment of the overall helpfulness or selfishness of others. Then, we built a scale of personal trust and distributed people along a spectrum from least trusting to most trusting. About a fifth of adults (22%) display consistently trustful attitudes on these questions, and roughly a third (35%) express consistently wary or distrustful views.

https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2019/07/22/trust-and-distrust-in-america/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_985356579#5_2036841271

Title: Americans' Trust in Government, Each Other, Leaders | Pew Research Center Headings: Trust and Distrust in America Trust and Distrust in America Many Americans think declining trust in the government and in each other makes it harder to solve key problems. They have a wealth of ideas about what’s gone wrong and how to fix it Content: Here are some of the main findings. Levels of personal trust are associated with race and ethnicity, age, education and household income. To explore these connections, we asked questions about people’s general trust or distrust in others, their sense of the exploitative tendencies or fairness of others, and their assessment of the overall helpfulness or selfishness of others. Then, we built a scale of personal trust and distributed people along a spectrum from least trusting to most trusting. About a fifth of adults (22%) display consistently trustful attitudes on these questions, and roughly a third (35%) express consistently wary or distrustful views. Some 41% hold mixed views on core personal trust questions. 1 There are some notable demographic variations in levels of personal trust, which, even in these new contexts, follow historic trends captured by the Center and other researchers. The share of whites who show high levels of trust (27%) is twice as high as the share of blacks (13%) and Hispanics (12%). The older a person is, the more likely they are to tilt toward more trustful answers. The more education Americans have, and the greater their household income, the greater the likelihood they are high on the personal trust spectrum.

https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2019/07/22/trust-and-distrust-in-america/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_985736591#0_2037433897

Title: Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why | Pew Research Center Headings: Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why An International Perspective Why Do We Trust? Where Do We Trust? At What Age Do We Trust? Other Groups that Have a Distinctive Take on Trust Group Traits that Matter Just a Little – or Not at All About the Survey Add Pew Research Center to your Alexa Content: Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why | Pew Research Center Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why Social trust is a belief in the honesty, integrity and reliability of others – a “faith in people.” It’s a simple enough concept to describe. But it’s never been easy to figure out who trusts, or why. A new Pew Social Trends Survey is far from the last word on a subject that has bedeviled philosophers and social scientists through the ages, but it can provide base-line answers to some questions and tantalizing hints about others. The telephone survey asked a nationally representative sample of 2,000 adults three questions designed to measure their level of social trust. It found that whites are more trusting than blacks or Hispanics. 1 People with higher family incomes are more trusting than those with lower family incomes. The married are more trusting than the unmarried.

https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2007/02/22/americans-and-social-trust-who-where-and-why/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_985736591#1_2037435484

Title: Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why | Pew Research Center Headings: Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why An International Perspective Why Do We Trust? Where Do We Trust? At What Age Do We Trust? Other Groups that Have a Distinctive Take on Trust Group Traits that Matter Just a Little – or Not at All About the Survey Add Pew Research Center to your Alexa Content: A new Pew Social Trends Survey is far from the last word on a subject that has bedeviled philosophers and social scientists through the ages, but it can provide base-line answers to some questions and tantalizing hints about others. The telephone survey asked a nationally representative sample of 2,000 adults three questions designed to measure their level of social trust. It found that whites are more trusting than blacks or Hispanics. 1 People with higher family incomes are more trusting than those with lower family incomes. The married are more trusting than the unmarried. The middle-aged and the elderly are more trusting than the young. People who live in rural areas are more trusting than those who live in cities. By contrast, the survey also found that there are some demographic and political traits that have little or no correlation to levels of social trust. Men and women; Republicans and Democrats;

https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2007/02/22/americans-and-social-trust-who-where-and-why/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_985736591#2_2037437068

Title: Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why | Pew Research Center Headings: Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why An International Perspective Why Do We Trust? Where Do We Trust? At What Age Do We Trust? Other Groups that Have a Distinctive Take on Trust Group Traits that Matter Just a Little – or Not at All About the Survey Add Pew Research Center to your Alexa Content: The middle-aged and the elderly are more trusting than the young. People who live in rural areas are more trusting than those who live in cities. By contrast, the survey also found that there are some demographic and political traits that have little or no correlation to levels of social trust. Men and women; Republicans and Democrats; liberals and conservatives; Protestants and Catholics and the secular — all of these groups have roughly similar levels of trust. As for the population as a whole, Americans are closely divided on the following question: “ Generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted or that you can’t be too careful in dealing with people?” Some 45% of respondents in the Pew survey say the former, while 50% say the latter.

https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2007/02/22/americans-and-social-trust-who-where-and-why/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_985736591#3_2037438520

Title: Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why | Pew Research Center Headings: Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why An International Perspective Why Do We Trust? Where Do We Trust? At What Age Do We Trust? Other Groups that Have a Distinctive Take on Trust Group Traits that Matter Just a Little – or Not at All About the Survey Add Pew Research Center to your Alexa Content: liberals and conservatives; Protestants and Catholics and the secular — all of these groups have roughly similar levels of trust. As for the population as a whole, Americans are closely divided on the following question: “ Generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted or that you can’t be too careful in dealing with people?” Some 45% of respondents in the Pew survey say the former, while 50% say the latter. These responses have fluctuated very little during the four decades that survey research organizations have been asking this question, save for a period in the 1990s when measured levels of interpersonal trust dipped for a number of years, triggering a flurry of speculation and scholarship about the reasons for the decline. But since then, social trust has rebounded to roughly the same level it had been before the trough. 2 The new Pew survey did not probe into the psyches, values or the life experiences of respondents, so it can offer no clues about how these factors might affect a given individual’s inclination to trust other people. Rather, it provides a look at how different demographic groups responded to a battery of three questions about social trust: Generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted or that you can’t be too careful in dealing with people?

https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2007/02/22/americans-and-social-trust-who-where-and-why/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_985736591#4_2037440538

Title: Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why | Pew Research Center Headings: Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why Americans and Social Trust: Who, Where and Why An International Perspective Why Do We Trust? Where Do We Trust? At What Age Do We Trust? Other Groups that Have a Distinctive Take on Trust Group Traits that Matter Just a Little – or Not at All About the Survey Add Pew Research Center to your Alexa Content: These responses have fluctuated very little during the four decades that survey research organizations have been asking this question, save for a period in the 1990s when measured levels of interpersonal trust dipped for a number of years, triggering a flurry of speculation and scholarship about the reasons for the decline. But since then, social trust has rebounded to roughly the same level it had been before the trough. 2 The new Pew survey did not probe into the psyches, values or the life experiences of respondents, so it can offer no clues about how these factors might affect a given individual’s inclination to trust other people. Rather, it provides a look at how different demographic groups responded to a battery of three questions about social trust: Generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted or that you can’t be too careful in dealing with people? Some 45% of respondents said most people can be trusted. Do you think most people would try to take advantage of you if they got the chance, or would they try to be fair? Some 59% of respondents said most people try to be fair. Would you say that most of the time people try to be helpful, or that they are mostly just looking out for themselves? Some 57% of respondents said most people try to be helpful.

https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2007/02/22/americans-and-social-trust-who-where-and-why/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_985798067#4_2037552938

Title: The Rise of Single Fathers | Pew Research Center Headings: The Rise of Single Fathers The Rise of Single Fathers A Ninefold Increase Since 1960 Profile of Single Father Householders Single Fathers are Younger, Less Educated DIFFERENT TYPES OF SINGLE DADS Sign up for our weekly newsletter Content: 4 The increase in single father households is likely due to a number of factors, most of which have also contributed to the increase in single mother households, and to the decline of two-married-parent households. First and foremost, there has been a marked increase in the share of non-marital births. And even though divorce rates have leveled off in recent decades, they remain higher than they were in the 1960s and 1970s. Some experts suggest that changes in the legal system have led to more opportunities for fathers to gain at least partial custody of children in the event of a breakup, as well. At the same time, the role of fathers has evolved, and the public now acknowledges their importance not only as breadwinners, but also as caregivers. Analysis of long-term time use data shows that fathers are narrowing the still sizable gap with mothers in the amount of time they spend with their children. And Pew Research surveys find that the public believes that a father’s greatest role is to provide values to his children, followed by emotional support, discipline and income support. Public opinion ascribes roughly the same hierarchy of roles to mothers. Profile of Single Father Householders Like single mothers, single fathers are typically less educated and less well-off than their married counterparts. They are also younger and less likely to be white.

https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2013/07/02/the-rise-of-single-fathers/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_985862476#2_2037640082

Title: Demographic trends and economic well-being | Pew Research Center Headings: 1. Demographic trends and economic well-being 1. Demographic trends and economic well-being Blacks still trail whites in college completion Black-white income gap remains large Blacks more than twice as likely as whites to be poor A growing wealth gap between blacks and whites Blacks significantly less likely than whites to be homeowners Blacks twice as likely as whites to be unemployed Non-marital births more than twice as common among blacks as whites Just over half of black children live with a single parent Marriage rate decline particularly steep among blacks Facts are more important than ever Content: While blacks are more than twice as likely as whites to be living in poverty, this actually reflects a marked improvement since the mid-1970s when blacks were almost four times as likely as whites to be poor. And the white-black gap in high school completion rates has almost disappeared since the 1960s, though blacks are still significantly less likely than whites to graduate from college. While education is widely viewed as the key to upward mobility for all races, the Pew Research Center analysis finds that the benefits of schooling often flow in unequal measure to blacks relative to whites. For example, among those with a bachelor’s degree, blacks earn significantly less than whites ($82,300 for black householders vs. $106,600 for whites). In fact, the income of blacks at all levels of educational attainment lags behind that of their white counterparts. Similar racial disparities across educational levels occur across measures of social well-being and family structure. For example, about nine-in-ten (92%) white women with a bachelor’s degree who recently gave birth were married, a proportion that drops to 60% among new black mothers with a similar level of education. Taken together, these findings suggest that educational differences alone cannot fully explain the black-white gaps in economic outcomes or family structure. The remainder of this chapter explores major differences in social and economic well-being across racial and ethnic groups, with particular focus on the persistence in the disparities between blacks and whites in recent decades. The first section examines in greater depth racial differences in educational attainment.

https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2016/06/27/1-demographic-trends-and-economic-well-being/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_985862476#3_2037642676

Title: Demographic trends and economic well-being | Pew Research Center Headings: 1. Demographic trends and economic well-being 1. Demographic trends and economic well-being Blacks still trail whites in college completion Black-white income gap remains large Blacks more than twice as likely as whites to be poor A growing wealth gap between blacks and whites Blacks significantly less likely than whites to be homeowners Blacks twice as likely as whites to be unemployed Non-marital births more than twice as common among blacks as whites Just over half of black children live with a single parent Marriage rate decline particularly steep among blacks Facts are more important than ever Content: Similar racial disparities across educational levels occur across measures of social well-being and family structure. For example, about nine-in-ten (92%) white women with a bachelor’s degree who recently gave birth were married, a proportion that drops to 60% among new black mothers with a similar level of education. Taken together, these findings suggest that educational differences alone cannot fully explain the black-white gaps in economic outcomes or family structure. The remainder of this chapter explores major differences in social and economic well-being across racial and ethnic groups, with particular focus on the persistence in the disparities between blacks and whites in recent decades. The first section examines in greater depth racial differences in educational attainment. Later sections explore various economic outcomes, including measures of family income, wealth and homeownership, poverty and unemployment. The chapter concludes with sections on racial differences in family structure, including non-marital birth rates, child living arrangements and marriage rates. Blacks still trail whites in college completion Increasingly, a college degree is the key to financial well-being, while the value of a high school diploma has diminished markedly over time. Since the 1960s, rates of college graduation have increased significantly for all major racial and ethnic groups, though large gaps persist. 6 Whites are far more likely to hold a bachelor’s degree than blacks.

https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2016/06/27/1-demographic-trends-and-economic-well-being/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_985984625#5_2037809208

Title: 1. Trends and patterns in intermarriage | Pew Research Center Headings: 1. Trends and patterns in intermarriage 1. Trends and patterns in intermarriage Intermarriage varies by race and ethnicity The changing racial and ethnic profile of U.S. newlyweds is linked to growth in intermarriage For blacks and Asians, big gender gaps in intermarriage A growing educational gap in intermarriage Strong link between education and intermarriage for Hispanics For blacks, intermarriage has increased most among those with no college experience Asians with some college are the most likely to intermarry Among whites, little difference in intermarriage rates by education level Intermarriage is slightly less common at older ages In metro areas, almost one-in-five newlyweds are intermarried The largest share of intermarried couples include one Hispanic and one white spouse Content: At the same time, the share of white newlyweds declined by 15 points and the share of black newlyweds held steady. The size of each racial and ethnic group can also influence intermarriage rates by affecting the pool of potential marriage partners in the “marriage market,” which consists of all newlyweds and all unmarried adults combined. 5 For example, whites, who comprise the largest share of the U.S. population, may be more likely to marry someone of the same race simply because most potential partners are white. And members of smaller racial or ethnic groups may be more likely to intermarry because relatively few potential partners share their race or ethnicity. But size alone cannot totally explain intermarriage patterns. Hispanics, for instance, made up 17% of the U.S. marriage market in 2015, yet their newlywed intermarriage rates were comparable to those of Asians, who comprised only 5% of the marriage market. And while the share of the marriage market comprised of Hispanics has grown markedly since 1980, when it was 6%, their intermarriage rate has remained stable. Perhaps more striking – the share of blacks in the marriage market has remained more or less constant (15% in 1980, 16% in 2015), yet their intermarriage rate has more than tripled. For blacks and Asians, big gender gaps in intermarriage While there is no overall gender difference in intermarriage among newlyweds 6, starkly different gender patterns emerge for some major racial and ethnic groups. One of the most dramatic patterns occurs among black newlyweds:

https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2017/05/18/1-trends-and-patterns-in-intermarriage/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_985984625#6_2037811876

Title: 1. Trends and patterns in intermarriage | Pew Research Center Headings: 1. Trends and patterns in intermarriage 1. Trends and patterns in intermarriage Intermarriage varies by race and ethnicity The changing racial and ethnic profile of U.S. newlyweds is linked to growth in intermarriage For blacks and Asians, big gender gaps in intermarriage A growing educational gap in intermarriage Strong link between education and intermarriage for Hispanics For blacks, intermarriage has increased most among those with no college experience Asians with some college are the most likely to intermarry Among whites, little difference in intermarriage rates by education level Intermarriage is slightly less common at older ages In metro areas, almost one-in-five newlyweds are intermarried The largest share of intermarried couples include one Hispanic and one white spouse Content: Hispanics, for instance, made up 17% of the U.S. marriage market in 2015, yet their newlywed intermarriage rates were comparable to those of Asians, who comprised only 5% of the marriage market. And while the share of the marriage market comprised of Hispanics has grown markedly since 1980, when it was 6%, their intermarriage rate has remained stable. Perhaps more striking – the share of blacks in the marriage market has remained more or less constant (15% in 1980, 16% in 2015), yet their intermarriage rate has more than tripled. For blacks and Asians, big gender gaps in intermarriage While there is no overall gender difference in intermarriage among newlyweds 6, starkly different gender patterns emerge for some major racial and ethnic groups. One of the most dramatic patterns occurs among black newlyweds: Black men are twice as likely as black women to have a spouse of a different race or ethnicity (24% vs. 12%). This gender gap has been a long-standing one – in 1980, 8% of recently married black men and 3% of their female counterparts were married to someone of a different race or ethnicity. A significant gender gap in intermarriage is apparent among Asian newlyweds as well, though the gap runs in the opposite direction: Just over one-third (36%) of Asian newlywed women have a spouse of a different race or ethnicity, while 21% of Asian newlywed men do. A substantial gender gap in intermarriage was also present in 1980, when 39% of newly married Asian women and 26% of their male counterparts were married to someone of a different race or ethnicity.

https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2017/05/18/1-trends-and-patterns-in-intermarriage/

msmarco_v2.1_doc_49_985984625#7_2037814560

Title: 1. Trends and patterns in intermarriage | Pew Research Center Headings: 1. Trends and patterns in intermarriage 1. Trends and patterns in intermarriage Intermarriage varies by race and ethnicity The changing racial and ethnic profile of U.S. newlyweds is linked to growth in intermarriage For blacks and Asians, big gender gaps in intermarriage A growing educational gap in intermarriage Strong link between education and intermarriage for Hispanics For blacks, intermarriage has increased most among those with no college experience Asians with some college are the most likely to intermarry Among whites, little difference in intermarriage rates by education level Intermarriage is slightly less common at older ages In metro areas, almost one-in-five newlyweds are intermarried The largest share of intermarried couples include one Hispanic and one white spouse Content: Black men are twice as likely as black women to have a spouse of a different race or ethnicity (24% vs. 12%). This gender gap has been a long-standing one – in 1980, 8% of recently married black men and 3% of their female counterparts were married to someone of a different race or ethnicity. A significant gender gap in intermarriage is apparent among Asian newlyweds as well, though the gap runs in the opposite direction: Just over one-third (36%) of Asian newlywed women have a spouse of a different race or ethnicity, while 21% of Asian newlywed men do. A substantial gender gap in intermarriage was also present in 1980, when 39% of newly married Asian women and 26% of their male counterparts were married to someone of a different race or ethnicity. Among Asian newlyweds, these gender differences exist for both immigrants (15% men, 31% women) and the U.S. born (38% men, 54% women). While the gender gap among Asian immigrants has remained relatively stable, the gap among the U.S. born has widened substantially since 1980, when intermarriage stood at 46% among newlywed Asian men and 49% among newlywed Asian women. Among white newlyweds, there is no notable gender gap in intermarriage – 12% of men and 10% of women had married someone of a different race or ethnicity in 2015. The same was true in 1980, when 4% of recently married men and 4% of recently married women had intermarried. As is the case among whites, intermarriage is about equally common for newlywed Hispanic men and women.

https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2017/05/18/1-trends-and-patterns-in-intermarriage/