nimapourjafar/mm_chart2text · Datasets at Hugging Face

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[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What is the main idea being communicated through this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Looking only at women nearing the end of their childbearing years, 9% report that they have ever personally undergone a fertility treatment or had a spouse or partner do so, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of National Center for Health Statistics data. (An additional 5% of these women report that they or their partner sought medical advice or testing regarding fertility, but did not undergo any additional treatments.)\nAmong women ages 35 to 44, those with at least a bachelor’s degree, those with incomes of $75,000 or more and those who are white are particularly likely to say they have personally undergone fertility treatments or to have had a spouse or partner do so. For example, among white women in this age group, 12% say they’ve undergone this type of treatment, compared with 3% of black and 5% of Hispanic women.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Americans’ comfort with sharing information with public health officials about whom they have been with and where they have been varies. Roughly three-in-ten U.S. adults (27%) say they would be not at all or not too comfortable sharing the names of people with whom they might have been in physical contact. A similar share (22%) say the same about their lack of comfort sharing information on places they have recently visited. Half of U.S. adults say they would be not at all or not too comfortable sharing location data from their cellphone.\nRepublicans are about twice as likely as Democrats to say that they would be not at all or not too comfortable sharing the names of people with whom they might have been in physical contact (37% vs. 18%) and places they’ve recently visited (30% vs. 14%). They are also more likely to express discomfort about sharing location data from their cellphone (60% vs. 42%).\nYounger adults express less comfort sharing information than older adults. For instance, 32% of those ages 18 to 29 say they would be not at all or not too comfortable sharing the names of people they might have been in physical contact with, compared with 21% of those ages 65 and older who say this. And those with lower incomes and less formal education tend to be less comfortable sharing information. About three-in-ten of those from households with lower (28%) or middle incomes (29%) say they would be not at all or not too comfortable sharing names of contacts, compared with 19% of those with higher incomes who say so.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Throughout the 20th century, college-educated adults in the United States had been less likely than their less-educated counterparts to be married by age 30. In 1990, for example, 75% of all 30-year-olds who did not have a college degree were married or had been married, compared with just 69% of those with a college degree.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "About seven-in-ten mothers (71%) with children younger than 18 were in the labor force in 2012, compared with less than half (47%) in 1975. Meanwhile, after decades of decline, the share of stay-at-home moms has ticked up since 1999.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Could you shed some light on the insights conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Americans also distinguish themselves from Western Europeans on views about the importance of religion. Half of Americans deem religion very important in their lives; fewer than a quarter in Spain (22%), Germany (21%), Britain (17%) and France (13%) share this view.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please describe the key points or trends indicated by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "There are various reasons why nonvoters decide not to vote. Nearly half (49%) say not liking politics was either a major reason (26%) or minor reason (23%) they did not vote.\nA similar share (44%) said believing that their vote would not make a difference was at least a minor reason why they did not vote.\nAbout four-in-ten (41%) cite inconvenience as a reason, while 30% say not being registered or eligible to vote was a reason for not voting.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "When it comes to why a person is rich, the public overall is divided: 43% of U.S. adults say it is more because they worked harder than most other people, while 42% say it is more because they had greater advantages in life than most other people. Again, the two partisan coalitions have strikingly different views on this question.\nAbout seven-in-ten Republicans (71%) say a person is generally more likely to be rich because they worked harder than others, and just 18% say a person’s wealth is more likely to be the result of having more advantages in life. By contrast, just 22% of Democrats say wealth is generally more likely to be the result of working harder, while 62% say it generally has more to do with advantages others did not have.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "While STEM workers tend to be highly educated, roughly a third have not completed a bachelor’s or higher-level degree. A substantial share (35%) of the STEM workforce does not have a bachelor’s degree. Overall, about three-in-ten STEM workers report having completed an associate degree (15%) or have some college education but no degree (14%). These workers are more prevalent among health care practitioners and technicians, computer workers and engineers.\nSome 36% of STEM workers have a bachelor’s degree but no graduate degree. Roughly three-in-ten STEM workers (29%) have earned a master’s, doctorate or professional degree. Life scientists are the most highly educated among STEM workers, with 54%, on average, having an advanced degree.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please describe the key points or trends indicated by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Amid accelerating economic growth and falling unemployment, 27% of Americans rated the economy as excellent or good earlier this month, while 48% said it was only fair and 24% called it poor. The percent rating economic conditions as poor has declined nine points since October (from 33%). This marks the first time in Obama’s presidency that about as many have described the economy as excellent or good (27%) as poor (24%). Democrats are almost three times as likely to rate the economy as excellent or good than Republicans. About two-thirds (66%) of Americans say the economy is recovering, but not strongly, compared with just 16% who regard the recovery as strong. Expectations for the economy have improved somewhat with 31% saying it will be better a year from now compared with 27% last October.\nNearly four-in-ten (38%) say Obama’s economic policies since taking office have made economic conditions better, while 28% say they have made the economy worse, according to our Jan. 7-11 survey. Three-in-ten (30%) think they have not had much of an effect. On balance, this is the most positive rating of Obama’s economic impact since December 2009. The survey also found that more Americans have more confidence in Obama than Republican leaders to do the right thing on the economy: 49% have a great deal or fair amount of confidence in Obama compared with 37% who say they have more confidence in GOP leaders.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "In addition, 14% said that Spitzer was the story they followed most closely last week. The overwhelming majority of this group (80%) says they talked about the Spitzer scandal with the people they know.\nOverall, 25% of Americans paid very close attention to recent ups and down in the stock market and 11% said this was the single news story they followed more closely than any other. The media devoted 6% of its overall coverage to the stock market and other economic issues. Interest in the market is comparable to the level registered in late January when 29% followed the market very closely.\nStories about the murder of a female student at the University of North Carolina attracted the very close attention of one-in-six Americans (17%); 7% said this was the story they followed most closely. Southerners followed this story more closely than people from other regions of the country.\nPublic interest in the Iraq war is virtually unchanged from earlier in the year. Last week, 29% of Americans followed news about Iraq very closely and 8% said it was the story they followed most closely.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you break down the data visualization and explain its message?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Overall, 10% of Americans are what we call Bystanders, or the politically disengaged, according to Pew Research Center’s Political Typology report. None of this cohort say they’re registered to vote, and none say they follow government and public affairs most of the time (this compares with 48% of Americans overall). Virtually all of this group (96%) say they’ve never contributed money to a candidate running for public office.\nBystanders are young (38% are under 30), and nearly a third (32%) are Hispanic. A third of Bystanders are foreign born, a higher share than any of the other typology groups, including 29% total who are not citizens.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Large majorities of adults in all age groups say tech companies have a responsibility to prevent misuse of their platforms, but older Americans are somewhat more likely to say this. Around eight-in-ten of those ages 65 and older (79%) say this, compared with seven-in-ten among those ages 18 to 29.\nYounger adults, in turn, are more likely than their older counterparts to have confidence in tech companies to prevent misuse of their platforms. Nearly a third (32%) of adults under 30 say they are at least somewhat confident in tech companies to prevent misuse, compared with 22% of adults 65 and up.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What is the main idea being communicated through this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Currently, just 38% of Americans have a favorable view of the Republican Party while 58% have an unfavorable opinion. The percentage rating the GOP unfavorably is unchanged from July (58%) and remains among the highest on record. Favorable ratings of the GOP are up slightly from a low of 33% in July, and are roughly on par with previous surveys back to 2011.\nThe Democratic Party continues to receive better ratings than the GOP, with about as many offering a favorable (47%) as an unfavorable (48%) opinion. Democratic Party favorability had also fallen to a low of 41% in July, and has returned to a roughly even divide that is consistent with polling over the past few years.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What is the main idea being communicated through this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Similarly, assessments of Trump’ s personal traits and characteristics, including his trustworthiness, leadership and ability to get things done, have not changed much over the course of his presidency. Trump continues to get low ratings for his temperament: Just 28% of Americans say he is even-tempered, while 69% say that description does not apply. A somewhat larger share (36%) says Trump is trustworthy; a majority (61%) says Trump is not trustworthy.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What conclusions can be drawn from the information depicted in this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "All age cohorts of internet users (ages 12 and older) are equally likely to use email; about 90% of all internet users send or receive email. Given the many other variations in internet use among different age groups, it is notable that this basic communications tool is almost universally used. Even teens, many of whom disparage email as something for “old people,” and tend to prefer instant messaging, have not completely abandoned it. Email is the most popular online activity, especially for internet users age 65 or older. However, the best place to reach someone age 70 and older is still offline. Only 26% of Americans age 70-75 and 17% of Americans age 76 or older go online.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Three-in-ten of those who say they met their partner online report that their partner is a different race or ethnicity, compared with 19% of those who met their partner offline. People who met their partner online are also somewhat more likely to say that they and their partner do not identify with the same political party (46% vs. 40%). Of those who say their partner has a different political affiliation, many are in a couple where one person leans to or is affiliated with one party and the other is a political independent or undecided. Meanwhile, there are no significant differences in educational attainment or income between couples who met online and offline.\nBut after controlling for age, these differences disappear. Looking only at Americans younger than 40, similar shares of those who met their partner online (49%) and offline (48%) say their partner identifies with a different political party. Similar shares (31% and 27%, respectively) say their partner is of a different race or ethnicity. The shares saying they have a different income or education level from their partner are also not significantly different between those who met online and offline.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you break down the data visualization and explain its message?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "With just over two months before the midterm elections, Republican voters are widening the “expectations gap” with the Democrats. About six-in-ten (61%) Republican and GOP-leaning registered voters think their party will do better than in recent elections — roughly double the share of Democrats (32%) who feel similarly about their party’s chances.\nThis gap has not reached the same levels of the GOP’s margin before their large 2010 gains or the Democrats’ expectations in their 2006 sweep of both houses of Congress. Last December, the expectations gap was narrower; 55% of Republicans and Republican-leaning registered voters said the party would do better than recent elections, compared with 43% of Democrats.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Most expect the European Union’s influence in world affairs to be unchanged by the pandemic. A majority of Americans say the EU will emerge from the pandemic with roughly the same amount of influence in world affairs as it had beforehand, while about a fifth think its position will improve and a similar share expect its power to decline.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Today, 86% of Hispanic parents and 79% of black parents with children under 18 say it is either extremely or very important that their children earn a college degree. By comparison, about two-thirds (67%) of white parents say the same.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Could you shed some light on the insights conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Among social media users as a whole, the ability to read comments by public figures such as politicians, celebrities or athletes does not come into play as a major factor—fully three quarters of users say that this plays no role whatsoever in their decision to use these sites. And while connecting with public figures has a relatively modest impact on users across a range of groups, both African Americans and Latinos show more interest in this activity than white users. One in ten black social media users (10%) and 11% of Latinos say that reading comments from public figures is a major reason for using these sites (compared with just 3% of white users). Black and Latino social media users are also more likely to say that this is a minor factor (31% of blacks and 26% of Latinos say this, compared with 16% of whites).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "During an emergency, Twitter became an information lifeline: 34% of the Twitter discourse about Hurricane Sandy was news and information, including news organizations providing content, government sources offering information and people sharing their own eyewitness accounts and passing along information to others.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "In addition to the gender gap in voter turnout, partisan preferences differ widely by gender. Pew Research Center survey data going back more than two decades shows a growing gender gap in partisan affiliation. In 2018 and 2019, the Democratic Party held a wide advantage with women: 56% of female registered voters identified as Democrats or leaned toward the Democratic Party, while 38% identified as Republicans or leaned toward the GOP. This stands in contrast to men, among whom 50% were Republicans or GOP leaners and 42% identified as or leaned Democratic. This gender gap has been slowly growing wider since 2014.\nParty affiliation, like voter turnout, differs significantly by race and ethnicity. Within each racial and ethnic group, however, there is a gender gap in partisan identification; in each case, women are more likely than men to identify as Democrats.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Agreement on proposed solutions, though, did not share the ubiquity of concern about the size of the deficit. A poll in the summer of 1983 found overwhelming disapproval for raising taxes (78% disapprove, 15% approve) and making cuts to entitlement programs such as Social Security and Medicare (82% disapprove, 11% approve) in order to address the deficit. By lesser margins, Americans also rejected further cuts to social programs (50% disapprove, 42% approve) as a solution. With the Cold War front and center during the Reagan years, the public nevertheless gave its strongest support for any deficit-cutting proposal to cuts in defense spending (55% approve, 35% disapprove).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Americans and Germans clearly align on NATO. Nearly identical percentages of Americans (64%) and Germans (63%) have favorable views of the organization. Moreover, German and American opinions have largely moved in tandem – and remained favorable – since this question was first asked in 2009.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What is the main idea being communicated through this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "For all of the money spent on this year’s midterm elections — $3.67 billion, according to the Center for Responsive Politics — less than half of eligible voters will actually cast ballots in the nation’s 435 House districts, if history is any guide.\nPolitical scientists (and practical politicians) long have recognized that voter turnout surges in presidential election years and falls off in midterm elections. In the 2008 presidential election, for example, nearly 59% of estimated eligible voters voted in that year’s House elections. Two years later for the midterms, only about 41% of eligible voters went to the polls. (We estimated eligible voters in each district from 2006 through 2012 using data from the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey, and obtained vote totals for every House race from the House Clerk’s office. Our analysis excluded a handful of races in which unopposed candidates weren’t listed on the ballot.)\nYou might think there’d be some relationship between how competitive a given election is and turnout. A race where victory could go either way might spur more interest and rev up get-out-the-vote efforts from both sides; a race where one candidate is a prohibitive favorite could lead many people to conclude there’s no point in heading out to vote. But our analysis shows little, if any, correlation between a House election’s competitiveness (measured by the winner’s victory margin) and turnout.\nIn the Tea Party year of 2010, for example, overall turnout in House races was 40.7% of estimated eligible voters. That year, the nation’s highest turnout was in Wisconsin’s 5th District, where 62.4% of estimated eligible voters cast ballots and Rep. F. James Sensenbrenner cruised to a 42-percentage-point victory. The nation’s tightest race in 2010 was in Illinois’ 8th District, where Republican Joe Walsh edged Democrat Melissa Bean by just 290 votes; 41.7% of estimated eligible voters cast ballots in that contest. (The lowest turnout rate in 2010, 19.5%, came in Texas’ 16th District, which Democrat Silvestre Reyes won by a comfortable 21.5 percentage points.).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "About 57,800 minors in the U.S. ages 15 to 17 were married as of 2014. That might sound like a lot of people (and it is), but it’s also just five of every 1,000 in that age group, a Pew Research Center analysis of 2014 data from the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey finds.\nBy contrast, 18 of every 1,000 of those ages 18 to 19 were married, and among those ages 20 to 24, the number rose to 107 out of every 1,000.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "I'd like to understand the message this graph is trying to highlight.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "A contested convention, for those who’ve never experienced one (which is to say, everyone under the age of 35 or 40), occurs when no candidate has amassed the majority of delegate votes needed to win his or her party’s nomination in advance of the convention. A candidate still might gather the delegates needed by the time balloting begins, in which case the nomination is settled on the first ballot. But should the first ballot not produce a nominee, most delegates become free to vote for whomever they wish, leading potentially to multiple ballots, horse-trading, smoke-filled rooms, favorite sons, dark horses and other colorful elements that have enlivened American political journalism, literature and.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What conclusions can be drawn from the information depicted in this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "These teachers see disparities in access to digital tools having at least some impact on their students. More than half (54%) say all or almost all of their students have sufficient access to digital tools at school, but only a fifth of these teachers (18%) say all or almost all of their students have access to the digital tools they need at home.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "In the June 4-10 survey, a majority of voters said it is very (28%) or somewhat important (30%) to them personally to get messages from the presidential campaigns about important issues. About four-in-ten said it is not too important (25%) or not at all important (17%).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Could you shed some light on the insights conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "If the changed moral climate has taken a toll on how Americans view their country and government, its impact has been greatest on Americans who came of age in the 1960s and 1970s when criticism of government leaders and policies crescendoed. The long-term impact of this period in American history upon the young people of that time is clearly evident today. The nearly 40-year history of public opinion about the state of the nation and trust in government makes it possible to observe how particular generations have changed or maintained their views over this time period.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please describe the key points or trends indicated by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Through the first 12 primaries of 2016, combined Republican turnout has been 17.3% of eligible voters – the highest of any year since at least 1980. Democratic turnout so far is 11.7% – the highest since 1992, with the notable exception of the extraordinarily high turnout in 2008. (Those figures may change, of course, depending on how the rest of the campaign plays out; history suggests that once one party’s nomination is locked up, turnout in subsequent contests tends to fall off.).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Voters are broadly skeptical that, if elected, Clinton or Trump would achieve progress on major issues facing the country. Asked to look ahead a few years, fewer than half say things would get even a little better on six different issues – ranging from the economy to foreign policy – under either a Clinton or Trump administration.\nIn general, higher percentages say all six issues will get at least a little better in coming years under Trump than Clinton. However, on five of the six issues, comparable percentages feel that things would get worse under Trump as under Clinton.\nAnd far more voters say foreign policy would get worse under a Trump presidency (49%) than under a Clinton administration (34%).\nAcross the six issues, more voters expect say things would not change much under Clinton than under Trump. Roughly a third of voters say that on issues ranging from security from terrorism (36%) to the budget deficit (31%), things will not be much different in the years ahead than they are today. In assessing a possible Trump presidency, smaller percentages – no more than about one-in-five –expect little change on any issue.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Many Americans believe fabricated news is sowing confusion, and about a third (32%) say they often see made-up political news online. Nearly two-thirds of U.S. adults (64%) say fabricated news stories cause a great deal of confusion about the basic facts of current issues and events. About a third of U.S. adults (32%) say they often see made-up political news online, while 39% sometimes see such stories and 26% hardly ever or never do. About half (51%) say they often see political news online that is at least somewhat inaccurate – a higher proportion than those who say they see news that is almost completely made up (32%). About a quarter (23%) say they have ever shared made-up news stories themselves, with roughly equal shares saying they have done so either knowingly or unknowingly. A large majority (84%) of Americans say they are at least somewhat confident in their ability to recognize fabricated news.\nAmericans have low trust in information from social media. Just 5% of web-using U.S. adults have a lot of trust in the information they get from social media, nearly identical to the 4% who said so in 2016. This level of trust is much lower than trust in national and local news organizations, and in information coming from friends and family. In fact, in a separate study focusing on science news about twice as many social media users distrust science posts on social media as trust them (52% compared with 26%, 21% of social media users do not see any science posts).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please describe the key points or trends indicated by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "The full population picture doesn’t tell the whole story. If you look simply at the total percentage of online adults who say they trust a news organization for news about government and politics, several mainstream television outlets rise to the top. CNN, ABC, NBC, CBS and Fox News are all trusted by more than four-in-ten web-using U.S. adults. These high numbers, though, are intertwined with the fact that more than nine-in-ten respondents have heard of these five news sources. Trust and distrust were only asked of sources respondents had heard of, thus, the better known a source is, the more Americans in total who can voice trust or distrust of that source. A source like The Economist, on the other hand, is known by just 34% of respondents and so could never have a trust level exceeding 34% — even if everyone who had heard of it trusted it.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please describe the key points or trends indicated by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "There is a similar pattern in views of agreement with Trump on issues among Republican subgroups. While majorities of Republicans across demographic and educational categories agree with Trump on many or nearly all (or all) issues, half or more of self-described conservatives (50%) and those 65 and older (54%) say they agree with Trump on all or nearly all issues.\nThat is higher than the shares among other groups of Republicans. For example, among Republicans under age 30, just 21% say they agree with Trump on all or nearly all of the important issues facing the country.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What conclusions can be drawn from the information depicted in this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "In a two-way question, 58% of Republicans said the main purpose of college should be to teach specific skills and knowledge for the workplace; 28% said it should be personal growth. Democrats were divided: 43% said the main purpose of college should be to learn specific skills while 42% said personal growth.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What conclusions can be drawn from the information depicted in this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Among the issues tested, rising prices, crime and the gap between rich and poor are seen as the biggest problems in Turkey. Lack of employment opportunities (51% saying it is a very big problem) is also seen as a major issue.\nThere are lower levels of concern over corruption among political leaders, poor-quality schools, traffic and health care. But overall, most Turks still see these issues as at least moderately big problems.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "A majority of the public says abortion should be legal in all or most cases (59%), while 37% say abortion should be illegal in at least most cases, according to a Pew Research Center survey released last week. Support for legal abortion has fluctuated in recent years, but is at its highest level since 1995.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "For Biden supporters, opposition to Trump is by far the most frequently mentioned reason why they support him. Asked an open-ended question about the main reason they support or lean toward Biden, a 56% majority of his supporters cite their opposition to Trump; far fewer mention Biden’s leadership or performance as a candidate (19%) or his personality (13%).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What conclusions can be drawn from the information depicted in this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Almost three-quarters (74%) of smartphone owners get real-time location-based information on their phones as of February 2012, up from 55% in May 2011. This increase coincides with a rise in smartphone ownership overall (from 35% of adults in 2011 to 46% in 2012), which means that the overall proportion of U.S. adults who get location-based information has almost doubled over that time period—from 23% in May 2011 to 41% in February 2012.\nMeanwhile, more smartphone owners are using geosocial services like Foursquare or Gowalla1 to “check in” to certain places and share their location with friends. Some 18% of smartphone owners use geosocial services on their phones, up from 12% in 2011. This translates to 10% of all adults as of February 2012, up from 4% in May 2011.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Immigrants with past criminal convictions accounted for 74% of all arrests made by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents in fiscal 2017, according to data from the agency. The remainder were classified as “non-criminal” arrestees, including 16% with pending criminal charges and 11% with no known criminal convictions or charges.\nThe profile of arrestees by ICE’s Enforcement and Removal Operations has changed considerably in the past eight years: In fiscal 2009, the earliest year with comparable data, immigrants without past criminal convictions accounted for the majority (61%) of those arrested by the agency.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "For the second week in a row, Americans followed news about the swine flu and its vaccine more closely than any other news story – with public interest outpacing the amount of national media coverage devoted to the story.\nAbout three-in-ten (29%) name reports about the fast-spreading flu and its vaccine as the story they followed more closely than any other last week, according to the latest weekly News Interest Index survey, conducted October 30-November 2 among 1,001 adults by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press. Somewhat fewer mention news about health care reform (22%) or the economy (17%) as their top story.\nA separate analysis by the Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism (PEJ) finds that the national news media devoted 5% of the newshole to swine flu, much less than the coverage given to the health care debate (16%), Afghanistan (13%) or the economy (12%).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What conclusions can be drawn from the information depicted in this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Men and women have similar value priorities for children for all but a handful of qualities. To the extent that there are differences, women are more inclined to prioritize helping others and empathy as important. A clear majority of women and men say that teaching children about helping others is important (89% and 80%, respectively for women and men) but women are relatively more inclined to say this. And 26% of women, compared with 18% of men, say it is one of the most important values to teach children.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Among immigrants ages 5 and older in 2018, half (53%) are proficient English speakers – either speaking English very well (37%) or only speaking English at home (17%).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "For the first time in at least five years, as many Americans say they are hearing good news (26%) as bad news (25%) about the nation’s job situation; a 45% plurality reports hearing a mix of good and bad news.\nThis is the first time that more than 20% have expressed positive views about job news since the Pew Research Center began tracking this question in 2009. In June of that year, just 1% said news about the job situation was mostly good, and 71% said it was mostly bad. In the last year alone, the share hearing mostly bad news about jobs has fallen 15 points, while the percentage hearing mostly good news has risen nine points.\nWhen it comes to news about the overall economy, most continue to say that they’re hearing a mix of good and bad news (63%), while 21% say they are hearing mostly bad news and 14% are hearing mostly good news. The gap between positive and negative perceptions has narrowed considerably since a year ago, when 31% were hearing bad news and 7% were hearing good news.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "The Pew Hispanic analysis finds that 35% of unauthorized adult immigrants have resided in the U.S. for 15 years or more; 28% for 10 to 14 years; 22% for 5 to 9 years; and 15% for less than five years.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Pew Research surveys going back to 1987 show only a quarter to a third of Americans agreeing with the statement that “We should make every possible effort to improve the position of blacks and other minorities, even if it means giving them preferential treatment.” But support is sharply split by race: When we asked the question last year, 62% of blacks and 59% of Hispanics agreed with the statement but only 22% of whites did. And while 44% of 18- to 29-year-olds agreed, about a third of all other age groups did.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "There is relatively broad consensus on the remaining elements of the scenario. Substantial shares of Americans think David experiences online harassment when he begins to receive unkind messages from strangers (72%), when those messages become vulgar (82%), when his personal information is posted online (85%), and when he starts to receive threatening messages (85%).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "While majorities of every age group now have an unfavorable view of China, Americans ages 50 and older are substantially more negative (81%) than those ages 30 to 49 (71%) or those under 30 (56%). For those ages 50 and older, this represents an increase of 10 percentage points since March.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Ratings of how Obama is handling the nation’s immigration policy have slightly improved since late August but remain mostly negative (56% disapprove vs. 38% approve).\nOpinions about the president’s handling of immigration were more negative than positive throughout his first term, though he started his second term about even (44% approve, 43% disapprove) before dropping to 32% approval last November and 31% approval this August.\nOn balance, non-Hispanic blacks remain positive toward Obama on this issue: About six-in-ten (61%) approve of his handling of immigration and 32% disapprove.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Some 41% of adults say they would not be likely to speak with a public health official by phone or text message about COVID-19. Not all Americans are equally likely to say this. For example, looking at this first step of the process only, 48% of those with a high school diploma or less formal education say they would be not at all or not too likely to speak with a public health official in this way, compared with a smaller share (30%) of those with a bachelor’s degree or higher. There are also differences by income: 45% of those from households with lower incomes say they would be not at all or not too likely to do so by phone or text, while a smaller share (31%) of those in higher-income households say the same.\nYounger Americans are also less likely to say they would speak with a public health official by phone or text during the outbreak. Roughly half (49%) of adults ages 18 to 29 say they would be not at all or not too likely to do so, compared with smaller shares of Americans 50 and older who express such reluctance.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What conclusions can be drawn from the information depicted in this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Despite its reputation for la dolce vita, when it comes to rating their current lives and looking to the future, Italians are generally gloomier than their fellow Europeans, as well as Americans and Canadians. For example, when asked to place themselves on a “ladder of life,” where zero represents the worst possible life and 10 the best possible life, fewer than half of Italians (48%) rate their life at least a seven. On the other hand, in Sweden (72%), Canada (71%), Spain (66%), and the United States (65%), more than six-in-ten respondents place themselves on the top rungs of the ladder.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What is the main idea being communicated through this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "So why are some smartphone users forgoing broadband? Some 65% of the smartphone-only Americans say the smartphone lets them do all they need to online, according to our 2015 survey. But while the smartphone-only clearly see the usefulness of the device, cost plays an important role in the decision not to subscribe to high-speed service at home. The availability of other access options outside the home also comes prominently into play.\nPublic libraries may help fill the online gap among smartphone users who don’t subscribe to home broadband services. For public library users, those with smartphones only are somewhat more likely than those with home broadband, by a 34% to 30% margin, to use a library’s Wi-Fi, computers or internet connections to get online. Similarly, for those who engage in personal learning activities, the smartphone-only are more likely to do this at a high school, college or community college than those with broadband at home (by a 40% to 24% margin).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "While the public expects greater discord between two parties they view as far apart, rank-and-file Republicans and Democrats see their own parties as united. Overall, 55% of Republicans and Republican leaners describe the GOP as mostly united on issues and its vision for the future.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you break down the data visualization and explain its message?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "The Supreme Court’s health care decision is the month’s most closely followed story, surpassing the economy and the presidential election. (Public interest in stories earlier in June can be found here and here).\nThis week, there also was more interest in the court’s ruling on health care than in its decision on Arizona’s immigration law (29% very closely) and the House vote holding Attorney General Eric Holder in contempt for not sharing documents related to a gun-trafficking investigation (22% very closely).\nInterest in the presidential election has remained fairly stable over the past few weeks. From June 28-July 1, 32% tracked news about the election very closely.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "For the second week in a row, the public kept its focus on the aftermath of the disaster in Japan, while the fighting in Libya received the most media coverage.\nDespite the violence and the U.S. role in the fighting, interest in the situation in Libya is comparable to interest in more general economic news. Fewer than four-in-ten (37%) say they followed news about the airstrikes in Libya very closely; this was the top story for 13%. Meanwhile, 42% say they followed news about the economic situation very closely, while this was the top story for 14%.\nThree-in-ten (30%) say they very closely followed the discussions in Washington about how to address the federal budget deficit; 6% say they followed this news more closely than any other top story. More than a third of Republicans (36%) say they are following the budget debate very closely, compared with 27% of Democrats. News about the budget debate made up 5% of coverage.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please describe the key points or trends indicated by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Suspected bots are no more likely to link to digital-native news sites than to legacy news organizations. One might expect sites that were “born on the web” to be more integrated with social media and online environments relative to legacy news sites, and thus more frequently trafficked by suspected bot accounts. Yet suspected automated accounts are prolific in sharing links not only to sites born on the web but also to legacy news organizations. Suspected bots shared 60% of tweeted links to legacy sites, about on par with the 59% of tweeted links to digital native sites.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Could you shed some light on the insights conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "In fact, only about a quarter (27%) of all officers say they have ever fired their service weapon while on the job, according to a separate Pew Research Center survey conducted by the National Police Research Platform. The survey was conducted May 19-Aug. 14, 2016, among a nationally representative sample of 7,917 sworn officers working in 54 police and sheriff’s departments with 100 or more officers.\nBut among police officers, are some more likely than others to have fired their weapon in the line of duty?\nTo start, male officers, white officers, those working in larger cities and those who are military veterans are more likely than female officers, racial and ethnic minorities, those in smaller communities and non-veterans to have ever fired their service weapon while on duty. Each relationship is significant after controlling for other factors that could be associated with firing a service weapon.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Could you shed some light on the insights conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Americans who are high in religious commitment – that is, those who attend religious services at least weekly, pray at least daily and say that religion is very important in their lives – are less inclined than those with either medium or low levels of religious commitment to say that gene editing is an appropriate use of medical technology.3 For example, those high in religious commitment are closely divided over whether it is appropriate to use gene editing to reduce a baby’s risk of disease later in life; 46% say this is appropriate, while 53% consider it taking technology too far. In contrast, roughly three-quarters of those low in religious commitment (73%) say gene editing to reduce a baby’s risk of developing a serious disease or condition is an appropriate use of medical technology. And, while a 57% majority of those high in religious commitment say gene editing to treat a congenital disorder in a baby is an appropriate use of medical technology, a much larger share of those with low religious commitment (82%) say this is appropriate.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "During the fall campaign season, we asked panelists – voters and non-voters alike – which candidate they preferred for Congress. Support for Republican candidates was strongly associated with financial security: among the most secure group, 49% favored or leaned to the Republican candidate, compared with just 17% among the least secure group.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]
[]	[]	[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you break down the data visualization and explain its message?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "The survey found that between 2006 and 2012, the share of congregations allowing an openly gay or lesbian couple to become full-fledged members grew from 37% to 48%. In addition, the number of congregations that allowed openly gay and lesbian members to assume any lay leadership position also increased – from 18% in 2006 to 26% in 2012.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What is the main idea being communicated through this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Looking only at women nearing the end of their childbearing years, 9% report that they have ever personally undergone a fertility treatment or had a spouse or partner do so, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of National Center for Health Statistics data. (An additional 5% of these women report that they or their partner sought medical advice or testing regarding fertility, but did not undergo any additional treatments.)\nAmong women ages 35 to 44, those with at least a bachelor’s degree, those with incomes of $75,000 or more and those who are white are particularly likely to say they have personally undergone fertility treatments or to have had a spouse or partner do so. For example, among white women in this age group, 12% say they’ve undergone this type of treatment, compared with 3% of black and 5% of Hispanic women.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Americans’ comfort with sharing information with public health officials about whom they have been with and where they have been varies. Roughly three-in-ten U.S. adults (27%) say they would be not at all or not too comfortable sharing the names of people with whom they might have been in physical contact. A similar share (22%) say the same about their lack of comfort sharing information on places they have recently visited. Half of U.S. adults say they would be not at all or not too comfortable sharing location data from their cellphone.\nRepublicans are about twice as likely as Democrats to say that they would be not at all or not too comfortable sharing the names of people with whom they might have been in physical contact (37% vs. 18%) and places they’ve recently visited (30% vs. 14%). They are also more likely to express discomfort about sharing location data from their cellphone (60% vs. 42%).\nYounger adults express less comfort sharing information than older adults. For instance, 32% of those ages 18 to 29 say they would be not at all or not too comfortable sharing the names of people they might have been in physical contact with, compared with 21% of those ages 65 and older who say this. And those with lower incomes and less formal education tend to be less comfortable sharing information. About three-in-ten of those from households with lower (28%) or middle incomes (29%) say they would be not at all or not too comfortable sharing names of contacts, compared with 19% of those with higher incomes who say so.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Throughout the 20th century, college-educated adults in the United States had been less likely than their less-educated counterparts to be married by age 30. In 1990, for example, 75% of all 30-year-olds who did not have a college degree were married or had been married, compared with just 69% of those with a college degree.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "About seven-in-ten mothers (71%) with children younger than 18 were in the labor force in 2012, compared with less than half (47%) in 1975. Meanwhile, after decades of decline, the share of stay-at-home moms has ticked up since 1999.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Could you shed some light on the insights conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Americans also distinguish themselves from Western Europeans on views about the importance of religion. Half of Americans deem religion very important in their lives; fewer than a quarter in Spain (22%), Germany (21%), Britain (17%) and France (13%) share this view.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please describe the key points or trends indicated by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "There are various reasons why nonvoters decide not to vote. Nearly half (49%) say not liking politics was either a major reason (26%) or minor reason (23%) they did not vote.\nA similar share (44%) said believing that their vote would not make a difference was at least a minor reason why they did not vote.\nAbout four-in-ten (41%) cite inconvenience as a reason, while 30% say not being registered or eligible to vote was a reason for not voting.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "When it comes to why a person is rich, the public overall is divided: 43% of U.S. adults say it is more because they worked harder than most other people, while 42% say it is more because they had greater advantages in life than most other people. Again, the two partisan coalitions have strikingly different views on this question.\nAbout seven-in-ten Republicans (71%) say a person is generally more likely to be rich because they worked harder than others, and just 18% say a person’s wealth is more likely to be the result of having more advantages in life. By contrast, just 22% of Democrats say wealth is generally more likely to be the result of working harder, while 62% say it generally has more to do with advantages others did not have.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "While STEM workers tend to be highly educated, roughly a third have not completed a bachelor’s or higher-level degree. A substantial share (35%) of the STEM workforce does not have a bachelor’s degree. Overall, about three-in-ten STEM workers report having completed an associate degree (15%) or have some college education but no degree (14%). These workers are more prevalent among health care practitioners and technicians, computer workers and engineers.\nSome 36% of STEM workers have a bachelor’s degree but no graduate degree. Roughly three-in-ten STEM workers (29%) have earned a master’s, doctorate or professional degree. Life scientists are the most highly educated among STEM workers, with 54%, on average, having an advanced degree.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please describe the key points or trends indicated by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Amid accelerating economic growth and falling unemployment, 27% of Americans rated the economy as excellent or good earlier this month, while 48% said it was only fair and 24% called it poor. The percent rating economic conditions as poor has declined nine points since October (from 33%). This marks the first time in Obama’s presidency that about as many have described the economy as excellent or good (27%) as poor (24%). Democrats are almost three times as likely to rate the economy as excellent or good than Republicans. About two-thirds (66%) of Americans say the economy is recovering, but not strongly, compared with just 16% who regard the recovery as strong. Expectations for the economy have improved somewhat with 31% saying it will be better a year from now compared with 27% last October.\nNearly four-in-ten (38%) say Obama’s economic policies since taking office have made economic conditions better, while 28% say they have made the economy worse, according to our Jan. 7-11 survey. Three-in-ten (30%) think they have not had much of an effect. On balance, this is the most positive rating of Obama’s economic impact since December 2009. The survey also found that more Americans have more confidence in Obama than Republican leaders to do the right thing on the economy: 49% have a great deal or fair amount of confidence in Obama compared with 37% who say they have more confidence in GOP leaders.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "In addition, 14% said that Spitzer was the story they followed most closely last week. The overwhelming majority of this group (80%) says they talked about the Spitzer scandal with the people they know.\nOverall, 25% of Americans paid very close attention to recent ups and down in the stock market and 11% said this was the single news story they followed more closely than any other. The media devoted 6% of its overall coverage to the stock market and other economic issues. Interest in the market is comparable to the level registered in late January when 29% followed the market very closely.\nStories about the murder of a female student at the University of North Carolina attracted the very close attention of one-in-six Americans (17%); 7% said this was the story they followed most closely. Southerners followed this story more closely than people from other regions of the country.\nPublic interest in the Iraq war is virtually unchanged from earlier in the year. Last week, 29% of Americans followed news about Iraq very closely and 8% said it was the story they followed most closely.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you break down the data visualization and explain its message?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Overall, 10% of Americans are what we call Bystanders, or the politically disengaged, according to Pew Research Center’s Political Typology report. None of this cohort say they’re registered to vote, and none say they follow government and public affairs most of the time (this compares with 48% of Americans overall). Virtually all of this group (96%) say they’ve never contributed money to a candidate running for public office.\nBystanders are young (38% are under 30), and nearly a third (32%) are Hispanic. A third of Bystanders are foreign born, a higher share than any of the other typology groups, including 29% total who are not citizens.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Large majorities of adults in all age groups say tech companies have a responsibility to prevent misuse of their platforms, but older Americans are somewhat more likely to say this. Around eight-in-ten of those ages 65 and older (79%) say this, compared with seven-in-ten among those ages 18 to 29.\nYounger adults, in turn, are more likely than their older counterparts to have confidence in tech companies to prevent misuse of their platforms. Nearly a third (32%) of adults under 30 say they are at least somewhat confident in tech companies to prevent misuse, compared with 22% of adults 65 and up.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What is the main idea being communicated through this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Currently, just 38% of Americans have a favorable view of the Republican Party while 58% have an unfavorable opinion. The percentage rating the GOP unfavorably is unchanged from July (58%) and remains among the highest on record. Favorable ratings of the GOP are up slightly from a low of 33% in July, and are roughly on par with previous surveys back to 2011.\nThe Democratic Party continues to receive better ratings than the GOP, with about as many offering a favorable (47%) as an unfavorable (48%) opinion. Democratic Party favorability had also fallen to a low of 41% in July, and has returned to a roughly even divide that is consistent with polling over the past few years.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What is the main idea being communicated through this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Similarly, assessments of Trump’ s personal traits and characteristics, including his trustworthiness, leadership and ability to get things done, have not changed much over the course of his presidency. Trump continues to get low ratings for his temperament: Just 28% of Americans say he is even-tempered, while 69% say that description does not apply. A somewhat larger share (36%) says Trump is trustworthy; a majority (61%) says Trump is not trustworthy.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What conclusions can be drawn from the information depicted in this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "All age cohorts of internet users (ages 12 and older) are equally likely to use email; about 90% of all internet users send or receive email. Given the many other variations in internet use among different age groups, it is notable that this basic communications tool is almost universally used. Even teens, many of whom disparage email as something for “old people,” and tend to prefer instant messaging, have not completely abandoned it. Email is the most popular online activity, especially for internet users age 65 or older. However, the best place to reach someone age 70 and older is still offline. Only 26% of Americans age 70-75 and 17% of Americans age 76 or older go online.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Three-in-ten of those who say they met their partner online report that their partner is a different race or ethnicity, compared with 19% of those who met their partner offline. People who met their partner online are also somewhat more likely to say that they and their partner do not identify with the same political party (46% vs. 40%). Of those who say their partner has a different political affiliation, many are in a couple where one person leans to or is affiliated with one party and the other is a political independent or undecided. Meanwhile, there are no significant differences in educational attainment or income between couples who met online and offline.\nBut after controlling for age, these differences disappear. Looking only at Americans younger than 40, similar shares of those who met their partner online (49%) and offline (48%) say their partner identifies with a different political party. Similar shares (31% and 27%, respectively) say their partner is of a different race or ethnicity. The shares saying they have a different income or education level from their partner are also not significantly different between those who met online and offline.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you break down the data visualization and explain its message?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "With just over two months before the midterm elections, Republican voters are widening the “expectations gap” with the Democrats. About six-in-ten (61%) Republican and GOP-leaning registered voters think their party will do better than in recent elections — roughly double the share of Democrats (32%) who feel similarly about their party’s chances.\nThis gap has not reached the same levels of the GOP’s margin before their large 2010 gains or the Democrats’ expectations in their 2006 sweep of both houses of Congress. Last December, the expectations gap was narrower; 55% of Republicans and Republican-leaning registered voters said the party would do better than recent elections, compared with 43% of Democrats.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Most expect the European Union’s influence in world affairs to be unchanged by the pandemic. A majority of Americans say the EU will emerge from the pandemic with roughly the same amount of influence in world affairs as it had beforehand, while about a fifth think its position will improve and a similar share expect its power to decline.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Today, 86% of Hispanic parents and 79% of black parents with children under 18 say it is either extremely or very important that their children earn a college degree. By comparison, about two-thirds (67%) of white parents say the same.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Could you shed some light on the insights conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Among social media users as a whole, the ability to read comments by public figures such as politicians, celebrities or athletes does not come into play as a major factor—fully three quarters of users say that this plays no role whatsoever in their decision to use these sites. And while connecting with public figures has a relatively modest impact on users across a range of groups, both African Americans and Latinos show more interest in this activity than white users. One in ten black social media users (10%) and 11% of Latinos say that reading comments from public figures is a major reason for using these sites (compared with just 3% of white users). Black and Latino social media users are also more likely to say that this is a minor factor (31% of blacks and 26% of Latinos say this, compared with 16% of whites).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "During an emergency, Twitter became an information lifeline: 34% of the Twitter discourse about Hurricane Sandy was news and information, including news organizations providing content, government sources offering information and people sharing their own eyewitness accounts and passing along information to others.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "In addition to the gender gap in voter turnout, partisan preferences differ widely by gender. Pew Research Center survey data going back more than two decades shows a growing gender gap in partisan affiliation. In 2018 and 2019, the Democratic Party held a wide advantage with women: 56% of female registered voters identified as Democrats or leaned toward the Democratic Party, while 38% identified as Republicans or leaned toward the GOP. This stands in contrast to men, among whom 50% were Republicans or GOP leaners and 42% identified as or leaned Democratic. This gender gap has been slowly growing wider since 2014.\nParty affiliation, like voter turnout, differs significantly by race and ethnicity. Within each racial and ethnic group, however, there is a gender gap in partisan identification; in each case, women are more likely than men to identify as Democrats.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Agreement on proposed solutions, though, did not share the ubiquity of concern about the size of the deficit. A poll in the summer of 1983 found overwhelming disapproval for raising taxes (78% disapprove, 15% approve) and making cuts to entitlement programs such as Social Security and Medicare (82% disapprove, 11% approve) in order to address the deficit. By lesser margins, Americans also rejected further cuts to social programs (50% disapprove, 42% approve) as a solution. With the Cold War front and center during the Reagan years, the public nevertheless gave its strongest support for any deficit-cutting proposal to cuts in defense spending (55% approve, 35% disapprove).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Americans and Germans clearly align on NATO. Nearly identical percentages of Americans (64%) and Germans (63%) have favorable views of the organization. Moreover, German and American opinions have largely moved in tandem – and remained favorable – since this question was first asked in 2009.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What is the main idea being communicated through this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "For all of the money spent on this year’s midterm elections — $3.67 billion, according to the Center for Responsive Politics — less than half of eligible voters will actually cast ballots in the nation’s 435 House districts, if history is any guide.\nPolitical scientists (and practical politicians) long have recognized that voter turnout surges in presidential election years and falls off in midterm elections. In the 2008 presidential election, for example, nearly 59% of estimated eligible voters voted in that year’s House elections. Two years later for the midterms, only about 41% of eligible voters went to the polls. (We estimated eligible voters in each district from 2006 through 2012 using data from the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey, and obtained vote totals for every House race from the House Clerk’s office. Our analysis excluded a handful of races in which unopposed candidates weren’t listed on the ballot.)\nYou might think there’d be some relationship between how competitive a given election is and turnout. A race where victory could go either way might spur more interest and rev up get-out-the-vote efforts from both sides; a race where one candidate is a prohibitive favorite could lead many people to conclude there’s no point in heading out to vote. But our analysis shows little, if any, correlation between a House election’s competitiveness (measured by the winner’s victory margin) and turnout.\nIn the Tea Party year of 2010, for example, overall turnout in House races was 40.7% of estimated eligible voters. That year, the nation’s highest turnout was in Wisconsin’s 5th District, where 62.4% of estimated eligible voters cast ballots and Rep. F. James Sensenbrenner cruised to a 42-percentage-point victory. The nation’s tightest race in 2010 was in Illinois’ 8th District, where Republican Joe Walsh edged Democrat Melissa Bean by just 290 votes; 41.7% of estimated eligible voters cast ballots in that contest. (The lowest turnout rate in 2010, 19.5%, came in Texas’ 16th District, which Democrat Silvestre Reyes won by a comfortable 21.5 percentage points.).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "About 57,800 minors in the U.S. ages 15 to 17 were married as of 2014. That might sound like a lot of people (and it is), but it’s also just five of every 1,000 in that age group, a Pew Research Center analysis of 2014 data from the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey finds.\nBy contrast, 18 of every 1,000 of those ages 18 to 19 were married, and among those ages 20 to 24, the number rose to 107 out of every 1,000.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "I'd like to understand the message this graph is trying to highlight.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "A contested convention, for those who’ve never experienced one (which is to say, everyone under the age of 35 or 40), occurs when no candidate has amassed the majority of delegate votes needed to win his or her party’s nomination in advance of the convention. A candidate still might gather the delegates needed by the time balloting begins, in which case the nomination is settled on the first ballot. But should the first ballot not produce a nominee, most delegates become free to vote for whomever they wish, leading potentially to multiple ballots, horse-trading, smoke-filled rooms, favorite sons, dark horses and other colorful elements that have enlivened American political journalism, literature and.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What conclusions can be drawn from the information depicted in this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "These teachers see disparities in access to digital tools having at least some impact on their students. More than half (54%) say all or almost all of their students have sufficient access to digital tools at school, but only a fifth of these teachers (18%) say all or almost all of their students have access to the digital tools they need at home.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "In the June 4-10 survey, a majority of voters said it is very (28%) or somewhat important (30%) to them personally to get messages from the presidential campaigns about important issues. About four-in-ten said it is not too important (25%) or not at all important (17%).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Could you shed some light on the insights conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "If the changed moral climate has taken a toll on how Americans view their country and government, its impact has been greatest on Americans who came of age in the 1960s and 1970s when criticism of government leaders and policies crescendoed. The long-term impact of this period in American history upon the young people of that time is clearly evident today. The nearly 40-year history of public opinion about the state of the nation and trust in government makes it possible to observe how particular generations have changed or maintained their views over this time period.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please describe the key points or trends indicated by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Through the first 12 primaries of 2016, combined Republican turnout has been 17.3% of eligible voters – the highest of any year since at least 1980. Democratic turnout so far is 11.7% – the highest since 1992, with the notable exception of the extraordinarily high turnout in 2008. (Those figures may change, of course, depending on how the rest of the campaign plays out; history suggests that once one party’s nomination is locked up, turnout in subsequent contests tends to fall off.).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Voters are broadly skeptical that, if elected, Clinton or Trump would achieve progress on major issues facing the country. Asked to look ahead a few years, fewer than half say things would get even a little better on six different issues – ranging from the economy to foreign policy – under either a Clinton or Trump administration.\nIn general, higher percentages say all six issues will get at least a little better in coming years under Trump than Clinton. However, on five of the six issues, comparable percentages feel that things would get worse under Trump as under Clinton.\nAnd far more voters say foreign policy would get worse under a Trump presidency (49%) than under a Clinton administration (34%).\nAcross the six issues, more voters expect say things would not change much under Clinton than under Trump. Roughly a third of voters say that on issues ranging from security from terrorism (36%) to the budget deficit (31%), things will not be much different in the years ahead than they are today. In assessing a possible Trump presidency, smaller percentages – no more than about one-in-five –expect little change on any issue.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Many Americans believe fabricated news is sowing confusion, and about a third (32%) say they often see made-up political news online. Nearly two-thirds of U.S. adults (64%) say fabricated news stories cause a great deal of confusion about the basic facts of current issues and events. About a third of U.S. adults (32%) say they often see made-up political news online, while 39% sometimes see such stories and 26% hardly ever or never do. About half (51%) say they often see political news online that is at least somewhat inaccurate – a higher proportion than those who say they see news that is almost completely made up (32%). About a quarter (23%) say they have ever shared made-up news stories themselves, with roughly equal shares saying they have done so either knowingly or unknowingly. A large majority (84%) of Americans say they are at least somewhat confident in their ability to recognize fabricated news.\nAmericans have low trust in information from social media. Just 5% of web-using U.S. adults have a lot of trust in the information they get from social media, nearly identical to the 4% who said so in 2016. This level of trust is much lower than trust in national and local news organizations, and in information coming from friends and family. In fact, in a separate study focusing on science news about twice as many social media users distrust science posts on social media as trust them (52% compared with 26%, 21% of social media users do not see any science posts).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please describe the key points or trends indicated by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "The full population picture doesn’t tell the whole story. If you look simply at the total percentage of online adults who say they trust a news organization for news about government and politics, several mainstream television outlets rise to the top. CNN, ABC, NBC, CBS and Fox News are all trusted by more than four-in-ten web-using U.S. adults. These high numbers, though, are intertwined with the fact that more than nine-in-ten respondents have heard of these five news sources. Trust and distrust were only asked of sources respondents had heard of, thus, the better known a source is, the more Americans in total who can voice trust or distrust of that source. A source like The Economist, on the other hand, is known by just 34% of respondents and so could never have a trust level exceeding 34% — even if everyone who had heard of it trusted it.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please describe the key points or trends indicated by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "There is a similar pattern in views of agreement with Trump on issues among Republican subgroups. While majorities of Republicans across demographic and educational categories agree with Trump on many or nearly all (or all) issues, half or more of self-described conservatives (50%) and those 65 and older (54%) say they agree with Trump on all or nearly all issues.\nThat is higher than the shares among other groups of Republicans. For example, among Republicans under age 30, just 21% say they agree with Trump on all or nearly all of the important issues facing the country.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What conclusions can be drawn from the information depicted in this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "In a two-way question, 58% of Republicans said the main purpose of college should be to teach specific skills and knowledge for the workplace; 28% said it should be personal growth. Democrats were divided: 43% said the main purpose of college should be to learn specific skills while 42% said personal growth.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What conclusions can be drawn from the information depicted in this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Among the issues tested, rising prices, crime and the gap between rich and poor are seen as the biggest problems in Turkey. Lack of employment opportunities (51% saying it is a very big problem) is also seen as a major issue.\nThere are lower levels of concern over corruption among political leaders, poor-quality schools, traffic and health care. But overall, most Turks still see these issues as at least moderately big problems.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "A majority of the public says abortion should be legal in all or most cases (59%), while 37% say abortion should be illegal in at least most cases, according to a Pew Research Center survey released last week. Support for legal abortion has fluctuated in recent years, but is at its highest level since 1995.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "For Biden supporters, opposition to Trump is by far the most frequently mentioned reason why they support him. Asked an open-ended question about the main reason they support or lean toward Biden, a 56% majority of his supporters cite their opposition to Trump; far fewer mention Biden’s leadership or performance as a candidate (19%) or his personality (13%).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What conclusions can be drawn from the information depicted in this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Almost three-quarters (74%) of smartphone owners get real-time location-based information on their phones as of February 2012, up from 55% in May 2011. This increase coincides with a rise in smartphone ownership overall (from 35% of adults in 2011 to 46% in 2012), which means that the overall proportion of U.S. adults who get location-based information has almost doubled over that time period—from 23% in May 2011 to 41% in February 2012.\nMeanwhile, more smartphone owners are using geosocial services like Foursquare or Gowalla1 to “check in” to certain places and share their location with friends. Some 18% of smartphone owners use geosocial services on their phones, up from 12% in 2011. This translates to 10% of all adults as of February 2012, up from 4% in May 2011.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Immigrants with past criminal convictions accounted for 74% of all arrests made by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents in fiscal 2017, according to data from the agency. The remainder were classified as “non-criminal” arrestees, including 16% with pending criminal charges and 11% with no known criminal convictions or charges.\nThe profile of arrestees by ICE’s Enforcement and Removal Operations has changed considerably in the past eight years: In fiscal 2009, the earliest year with comparable data, immigrants without past criminal convictions accounted for the majority (61%) of those arrested by the agency.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "For the second week in a row, Americans followed news about the swine flu and its vaccine more closely than any other news story – with public interest outpacing the amount of national media coverage devoted to the story.\nAbout three-in-ten (29%) name reports about the fast-spreading flu and its vaccine as the story they followed more closely than any other last week, according to the latest weekly News Interest Index survey, conducted October 30-November 2 among 1,001 adults by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press. Somewhat fewer mention news about health care reform (22%) or the economy (17%) as their top story.\nA separate analysis by the Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism (PEJ) finds that the national news media devoted 5% of the newshole to swine flu, much less than the coverage given to the health care debate (16%), Afghanistan (13%) or the economy (12%).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What conclusions can be drawn from the information depicted in this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Men and women have similar value priorities for children for all but a handful of qualities. To the extent that there are differences, women are more inclined to prioritize helping others and empathy as important. A clear majority of women and men say that teaching children about helping others is important (89% and 80%, respectively for women and men) but women are relatively more inclined to say this. And 26% of women, compared with 18% of men, say it is one of the most important values to teach children.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Among immigrants ages 5 and older in 2018, half (53%) are proficient English speakers – either speaking English very well (37%) or only speaking English at home (17%).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "For the first time in at least five years, as many Americans say they are hearing good news (26%) as bad news (25%) about the nation’s job situation; a 45% plurality reports hearing a mix of good and bad news.\nThis is the first time that more than 20% have expressed positive views about job news since the Pew Research Center began tracking this question in 2009. In June of that year, just 1% said news about the job situation was mostly good, and 71% said it was mostly bad. In the last year alone, the share hearing mostly bad news about jobs has fallen 15 points, while the percentage hearing mostly good news has risen nine points.\nWhen it comes to news about the overall economy, most continue to say that they’re hearing a mix of good and bad news (63%), while 21% say they are hearing mostly bad news and 14% are hearing mostly good news. The gap between positive and negative perceptions has narrowed considerably since a year ago, when 31% were hearing bad news and 7% were hearing good news.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "The Pew Hispanic analysis finds that 35% of unauthorized adult immigrants have resided in the U.S. for 15 years or more; 28% for 10 to 14 years; 22% for 5 to 9 years; and 15% for less than five years.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Pew Research surveys going back to 1987 show only a quarter to a third of Americans agreeing with the statement that “We should make every possible effort to improve the position of blacks and other minorities, even if it means giving them preferential treatment.” But support is sharply split by race: When we asked the question last year, 62% of blacks and 59% of Hispanics agreed with the statement but only 22% of whites did. And while 44% of 18- to 29-year-olds agreed, about a third of all other age groups did.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "There is relatively broad consensus on the remaining elements of the scenario. Substantial shares of Americans think David experiences online harassment when he begins to receive unkind messages from strangers (72%), when those messages become vulgar (82%), when his personal information is posted online (85%), and when he starts to receive threatening messages (85%).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please clarify the meaning conveyed by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "While majorities of every age group now have an unfavorable view of China, Americans ages 50 and older are substantially more negative (81%) than those ages 30 to 49 (71%) or those under 30 (56%). For those ages 50 and older, this represents an increase of 10 percentage points since March.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Ratings of how Obama is handling the nation’s immigration policy have slightly improved since late August but remain mostly negative (56% disapprove vs. 38% approve).\nOpinions about the president’s handling of immigration were more negative than positive throughout his first term, though he started his second term about even (44% approve, 43% disapprove) before dropping to 32% approval last November and 31% approval this August.\nOn balance, non-Hispanic blacks remain positive toward Obama on this issue: About six-in-ten (61%) approve of his handling of immigration and 32% disapprove.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Some 41% of adults say they would not be likely to speak with a public health official by phone or text message about COVID-19. Not all Americans are equally likely to say this. For example, looking at this first step of the process only, 48% of those with a high school diploma or less formal education say they would be not at all or not too likely to speak with a public health official in this way, compared with a smaller share (30%) of those with a bachelor’s degree or higher. There are also differences by income: 45% of those from households with lower incomes say they would be not at all or not too likely to do so by phone or text, while a smaller share (31%) of those in higher-income households say the same.\nYounger Americans are also less likely to say they would speak with a public health official by phone or text during the outbreak. Roughly half (49%) of adults ages 18 to 29 say they would be not at all or not too likely to do so, compared with smaller shares of Americans 50 and older who express such reluctance.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What conclusions can be drawn from the information depicted in this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Despite its reputation for la dolce vita, when it comes to rating their current lives and looking to the future, Italians are generally gloomier than their fellow Europeans, as well as Americans and Canadians. For example, when asked to place themselves on a “ladder of life,” where zero represents the worst possible life and 10 the best possible life, fewer than half of Italians (48%) rate their life at least a seven. On the other hand, in Sweden (72%), Canada (71%), Spain (66%), and the United States (65%), more than six-in-ten respondents place themselves on the top rungs of the ladder.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "What is the main idea being communicated through this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "So why are some smartphone users forgoing broadband? Some 65% of the smartphone-only Americans say the smartphone lets them do all they need to online, according to our 2015 survey. But while the smartphone-only clearly see the usefulness of the device, cost plays an important role in the decision not to subscribe to high-speed service at home. The availability of other access options outside the home also comes prominently into play.\nPublic libraries may help fill the online gap among smartphone users who don’t subscribe to home broadband services. For public library users, those with smartphones only are somewhat more likely than those with home broadband, by a 34% to 30% margin, to use a library’s Wi-Fi, computers or internet connections to get online. Similarly, for those who engage in personal learning activities, the smartphone-only are more likely to do this at a high school, college or community college than those with broadband at home (by a 40% to 24% margin).", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Explain what this graph is communicating.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "While the public expects greater discord between two parties they view as far apart, rank-and-file Republicans and Democrats see their own parties as united. Overall, 55% of Republicans and Republican leaners describe the GOP as mostly united on issues and its vision for the future.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you break down the data visualization and explain its message?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "The Supreme Court’s health care decision is the month’s most closely followed story, surpassing the economy and the presidential election. (Public interest in stories earlier in June can be found here and here).\nThis week, there also was more interest in the court’s ruling on health care than in its decision on Arizona’s immigration law (29% very closely) and the House vote holding Attorney General Eric Holder in contempt for not sharing documents related to a gun-trafficking investigation (22% very closely).\nInterest in the presidential election has remained fairly stable over the past few weeks. From June 28-July 1, 32% tracked news about the election very closely.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "For the second week in a row, the public kept its focus on the aftermath of the disaster in Japan, while the fighting in Libya received the most media coverage.\nDespite the violence and the U.S. role in the fighting, interest in the situation in Libya is comparable to interest in more general economic news. Fewer than four-in-ten (37%) say they followed news about the airstrikes in Libya very closely; this was the top story for 13%. Meanwhile, 42% say they followed news about the economic situation very closely, while this was the top story for 14%.\nThree-in-ten (30%) say they very closely followed the discussions in Washington about how to address the federal budget deficit; 6% say they followed this news more closely than any other top story. More than a third of Republicans (36%) say they are following the budget debate very closely, compared with 27% of Democrats. News about the budget debate made up 5% of coverage.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Please describe the key points or trends indicated by this graph.", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Suspected bots are no more likely to link to digital-native news sites than to legacy news organizations. One might expect sites that were “born on the web” to be more integrated with social media and online environments relative to legacy news sites, and thus more frequently trafficked by suspected bot accounts. Yet suspected automated accounts are prolific in sharing links not only to sites born on the web but also to legacy news organizations. Suspected bots shared 60% of tweeted links to legacy sites, about on par with the 59% of tweeted links to digital native sites.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Could you shed some light on the insights conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "In fact, only about a quarter (27%) of all officers say they have ever fired their service weapon while on the job, according to a separate Pew Research Center survey conducted by the National Police Research Platform. The survey was conducted May 19-Aug. 14, 2016, among a nationally representative sample of 7,917 sworn officers working in 54 police and sheriff’s departments with 100 or more officers.\nBut among police officers, are some more likely than others to have fired their weapon in the line of duty?\nTo start, male officers, white officers, those working in larger cities and those who are military veterans are more likely than female officers, racial and ethnic minorities, those in smaller communities and non-veterans to have ever fired their service weapon while on duty. Each relationship is significant after controlling for other factors that could be associated with firing a service weapon.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Could you shed some light on the insights conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Americans who are high in religious commitment – that is, those who attend religious services at least weekly, pray at least daily and say that religion is very important in their lives – are less inclined than those with either medium or low levels of religious commitment to say that gene editing is an appropriate use of medical technology.3 For example, those high in religious commitment are closely divided over whether it is appropriate to use gene editing to reduce a baby’s risk of disease later in life; 46% say this is appropriate, while 53% consider it taking technology too far. In contrast, roughly three-quarters of those low in religious commitment (73%) say gene editing to reduce a baby’s risk of developing a serious disease or condition is an appropriate use of medical technology. And, while a 57% majority of those high in religious commitment say gene editing to treat a congenital disorder in a baby is an appropriate use of medical technology, a much larger share of those with low religious commitment (82%) say this is appropriate.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you elaborate on the message conveyed by this graph?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "During the fall campaign season, we asked panelists – voters and non-voters alike – which candidate they preferred for Congress. Support for Republican candidates was strongly associated with financial security: among the most secure group, 49% favored or leaned to the Republican candidate, compared with just 17% among the least secure group.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]

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[ { "data": "0", "modality": "image", "role": "user" }, { "data": "Can you break down the data visualization and explain its message?", "modality": "text", "role": "user" }, { "data": "The survey found that between 2006 and 2012, the share of congregations allowing an openly gay or lesbian couple to become full-fledged members grew from 37% to 48%. In addition, the number of congregations that allowed openly gay and lesbian members to assume any lay leadership position also increased – from 18% in 2006 to 26% in 2012.", "modality": "text", "role": "assistant" } ]