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A General History of Iron Technology in Africa ca. 2000BC-1900AD.	The smelting and working of iron is arguably the best known among the pre-colonial technologies of Africa, and the continent is home to some of the world's oldest sites of ironworking.	=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A General History of Iron Technology in Africa ca. 2000BC-1900AD. ================================================================= ( Aug 11, 2024 16 The smelting and working of iron is arguably the best known among the pre-colonial technologies of Africa, and the continent is home to some of the world's oldest sites of ironworking. Iron metallurgy was an integral component of socioeconomic life across the continent, and has played a significant role in the sociocultural, economic, and environmental spheres of many African societies, past and present, not only for utilitarian items, but also in the creation of symbolic, artistic, and ornamental objects. The production, control, and distribution of Iron was pivotal in the rise and fall of African kingdoms and empires, the expansion of trade and cultural exchange, and the growth of military systems which ensured Africa’s autonomy until the close of the 19th century. This article outlines the General History of Iron technologies in Africa, from the construction of the continent's oldest furnaces in antiquity to the 19th century, exploring the role of Iron in African trade, agriculture, warfare, politics, and Art traditions. * * * Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all: ( * * * On the invention of Iron technology in Africa. Most studies of the history of Ironworking begin with the evolution of metallurgy in the Near Eastern societies and the transition from copper, to bronze and finally to iron. The use and spread of these metals across the eastern Mediterranean was a complex and protracted process, that was politically and culturally mediated rather than being solely determined by the physical properties of the metals.( Since the transition from copper to iron across most of the societies in the Near East was broadly similar, and the region was initially thought to be home to the oldest known iron-working sites, researchers surmised that iron technology had a single origin from which it subsequently spread across the old world from Asia to Europe, to Africa. In North Africa, ironworking was only known from historical documents, it was only recently that archeological investigations have provided firmer evidence for early iron smelting in the region. This includes sites such as Bir Massouda at Carthage in Tunisia between 760-480 BCE( , at Naucratis and Hamama in Egypt between 580-30BCE( , at Meroe and Hamadab in Sudan around 514 BCE( and in the Fezzan region of Libya around 500BCE( . _Large iron slag mound at Meroe, Sudan._ photo by Jane Humpris. However, as it will become evident in the following paragraphs, the development of iron technology in the rest of Africa was independent of North African ironworking and is likely to have been a much older phenomenon. In contrast to the Maghreb, metallurgy in the rest of Africa kick-started with the simultaneous working of iron and copper between the late 3rd to early 2nd millennium BC, to be later followed by bronze, gold and other metals. A number of radiocarbon dates within the range of 2200 to 800 BCE have since been accumulated across multiple sites. This includes sites such as; Oboui and Gbatoro in Cameroon and Central Africa, where iron furnaces, bloom fragments, slag pieces, and at least 174 iron tools were found dated to c. 2200–1965 BCE; at Ngayene in the Senegambian megaliths, where iron tools were found dated to 1362–1195 BCE; and at Gbabiri (north of Oboui) where similar iron objects and forges were found dated to 900–750 BCE.( More extensive evidence for iron working in West Africa is dated to the period between 800-400 BCE, where the combined evidence for iron tools, furnaces, slag, and tuyeres was found at various places. These include the sites of Taruga and Baidesuru in the Nok culture of central Nigeria, In the northern Mandara region of Cameroon, at Dhar Nema in the Tichitt Neolithic culture of southern Mauritania, at Dia In the Inland Niger delta of Mali( , at Walalde in Senegal( , at Dekpassanware, in Togo( at the Nsukka sites of Nigeria,( and at Tora Sira Tomo in Burkina Faso( , among other sites. _Slag blocks at Otobo-Dunuoka village square, Lejja, Nsukka area, Nigeria_. The subsequent spread of ironworking technology to central, East and South Africa was linked to the expansion of Bantu-speaking groups, a few centuries after they had settled in the region.( For the period between 800-400BC Iron working sites, are found at Otoumbi and Moanda in Gabon, at the Urewe sites of; Mutwarubona in Rwanda, Mirama III in Burundi, at Katuruka in Tanzania.( By the turn of the common era, Ironworking had spread to the southeastern tip of the continent, with sites such as Matola in Mozambique and ‘Silver Leaves’ in South Africa being dated to between the 1st-2nd century CE.( While few studies have been conducted in the northern Horn of Africa, there’s evidence for extensive use of iron tools at Bieta Giyorgis and Aksum in Ethiopia, between the late 1st millennium BC and the early centuries of the common era. ( While proponents of an independent origin of iron technology in Africa rely on archeological evidence, the diffusionist camp is driven by the hypothesis that ironworking required pre-existing knowledge of copper smelting, they therefore surmise that it originated from Carthage or Meroe. However, there's still no material evidence for any transmission of ironworking technology based on the furnace types from either region( , and the recently confirmed dates from Cameroon, Central Africa, and Senegal significantly predate those from Meroe, the Fezzan, and Carthage.( Furthermore, there was no contact between the earliest West African Iron Age sites of the Nok Culture with North Africa; nor was there contact between Nok and its northern neighbor; the Gajiganna culture of Lake Chad (1800-400BCE) which had no iron at its main proto-urban capital of Zilum;( nor were there ( during this period. Even links between more proximate regions like the Fezzan in Libya (which had Iron by 500 BCE) and the Lake Chad basin before the common era remain unproven.( The site of Oboui in the Central African republic has been the subject of intense interest by archeometallurgists since it provides the earliest known iron-working facility anywhere in the world. So while it may _"never be possible to write a history of African metallurgy that truly satisfies the historian's inordinate greed for both generalization and specificity,"_ the most recent research weighs heavily in favor of an independent origin of Ironworking in Africa. _1st millennium BC Nok furnace site at Janjala, Nigeria._ * * * The process of Smelting and Smithing Iron in African furnaces. The process of ironworking starts with the search and acquisition of iron ores through mining and collecting, followed by the preparation of raw materials including charcoal, followed by the building of the smelting installations, furnaces, tuyeres and crucibles, followed by the smelting itself which reduces the ores to metal, followed by bloom cleaning, smithing, and the forging of the finished product( . This was extremely labour-intensive and time-consuming, especially collecting the ore and fuel, which could at times last several weeks or months.( In nature, iron may be found in five different compounds: oxide, hydroxide, carbide, sulfide, and silicate, of which there are many different types of iron ores in Africa (lateritic, oolitic, magnetite-ilmenite, etc) which invariably influenced the smelting technology used. Ancient African bloomery furnaces exhibit remarkable diversity, suggesting constant improvisation and innovations. As one metallurgist observed, _"every conceivable method of iron production seems to have been employed in Africa, some of it quite unbelievable."_ African ironworkers adapted bloomery furnaces to an extraordinary range of iron ores, some of which cannot be used by modern blast furnaces and weren’t found anywhere else in the Old World.( African iron-smelting processes are all variants of the bloomery process, in which the air blast must be stopped periodically to remove the masses of metal (blooms), while the waste product (slag) may be tapped from the furnaces as a liquid, or may solidify within it. Most of the oldest African furnaces were shaft furnaces that ranged from small pit furnaces to massive Natural-draft smelting furnaces with tall shafts upto 7 meters high.( _Natural draft furnaces in the Seno plain below Segue, Burkina Faso_, 1957, Quai Branly. _Earthen smelting furnaces in Ouahigouya, near the capital of Yatenga kingdom, Burkina Faso_, 1911, Quai Branly. _Examples of African bloomery furnace types_ (by F. Bandama), _Approximate distribution of bowl, shaft, and natural draught furnace types in Africa_. (by S. Chirikure). Bloomery smelting operates around 1200°C; ie at a temperature below the melting point of iron (1540°C), which is high enough only to melt the gangue minerals in the ore and separate them from the unmolten iron oxides. Air is introduced to the furnace either through forced draft using bellows and tuyères (ceramic pipes), or by natural draft taking advantage of prevailing winds or utilizing the chimney effect. This enables the fuel (usually charcoal) to burn, producing carbon monoxide, which reacts with the iron oxide, ultimately reducing it to form metallic iron.( These furnaces could produce cast iron and wrought iron, as well as steel, the latter of which there is sufficient evidence in several societies, most notably in the 18th-century kingdom of Yatenga between Mali and Burkina Faso, where blacksmiths built massive furnaces upto 8m high to produce steel bars and composite tools with steel-cutting edges( . Steel is iron alloyed with between 0.2% and 2% carbon, and it has been found in archaeometallurgical studies of furnaces and slag from Buhaya in northern Tanzania,( and in northern Mandara region of Cameroon among other sites.( Most high-carbon steel could be produced directly in the bloomery furnace by increasing the carbon content of the bloom, rather than by subsequent smithing as in most parts of the Old World.( _Iron smelting at Oumalokho near the border of Mali & Cote d’ivoire_, illustration by Louis Binger, ca. 1892. _steel sword with gold hilt, blade decorated with incised geometric and floral decoration, ca. 1900_, Asante, Ghana, V&A museum Once smelting was complete, the bloom settled to the bottom of the furnace and was removed for further refinement through repeated heating and hammering into bars using large hammerstones. After which, the iron bars produced from this process were forged at high temperatures, and the blacksmith will use various hammers, tongs, quenching bowls, and anvils to work the iron into a desired shape. In a few cases, methods like lost wax casting and the use of molds which were common in the working of gold and copper alloys were also used for iron to produce different objects, ornaments, and ingots.( Like all forms of technology, the working of Iron in Africa was socially mediated. The role of blacksmiths was considered important but their social position was rather ambiguous and varied. Depending on the society and era, they were both respected or feared, powerful or marginalized, because they wielded social power derived from access to knowledge of metallurgy, divination, peacemaking, and other salient social practices( . The smith’s craft extended from the production of the most basic of domestic tools to the creation of a corpus of inventive, diverse, and technically sophisticated vehicles of social and spiritual power The various taboos and rituals associated with the craft were a technology of practice that enabled smelters to take control of the process through learned behavior.( One key feature of African metallurgy is that it resists homogenization, yet anthropologists who study the subject are more inclined to homogenize than to seek variations. In contrast to the making of pottery and sculptures, the apprenticeship of iron smelting has not been the focus of ethnological studies. While such studies can only provide us with information from the 20th century, the persistence of pre-industrial methods of iron production in some parts of the continent suggests that some of this information can be extrapolated back to earlier periods. A number of researchers have left ethnographic descriptions of smelting sessions that they attended, observing that there is a head smelter or an elder’s council, as well as young people or apprentices. Under the leadership of a master, the metallurgists seem to take part collectively in the smelting, and the associated rituals involved in the process. Each member of a smelting session detects the physical and chemical changes of the material being processed inside the furnace.( Ethnographic descriptions show the major importance of smith castes and ritual practice, as well as political control over resources like iron ore, wood, land, and labour.( In many parts of the continent, there's extensive evidence that iron smelting was considered ritually akin to the act of procreation and therefore was carried out away from or in seclusion from women and domestic contexts( . Yet there were numerous exceptions in southern and East Africa where women were allowed in the smelting area, procuring iron ores, and constructing furnaces.( Evidently, all available labour was utilized for iron working when necessary, depending on the cultural practices of a given society. * * * The role of Iron in early African Agriculture and Trade. Ironworking played a pivotal role in the advent and evolution of agriculture and long-distance trade across the African continent, as the widespread use of iron tools helped to increase food production and the exchanges of surpluses between different groups. In many societies, the various types of iron tools (such as plows and hoes) the design of furnaces, and the organization of labor, influenced and were influenced by developments in agriculture, trade, and cultural exchanges.( For example, the use of natural draught furnaces and the creation of a caste of blacksmiths frees up labour for working the raw iron to make iron objects and develop long-distance trade and exchange. Such high- fuel low-labour furnaces were particularly common in the West African Sudanic woodland zone from Senegal to Nigeria and in the miombo woodlands of Tanzania, Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique, where labour requirements for swidden agriculture may have reduced available labour for smithing.( Natural draft furnaces; _Yeke, D.R.Congo, early 20th century_, Royal Museum for Central Africa. _‘A Bafipa natural draft furnace in Tanzania’_, photo by S.T.Childs. _Aushi, Zambia, early 20th century,_ British Museum. In other regions, the demand for Iron objects beyond the immediate society in which specialist smiths lived facilitated the production of large quantities of Iron for export. For example, at least 15 sites used by Dogon smiths in south-central Mali produced a about 400,000 tonnes of slag – or 40,000 tonnes of iron objects over a period of 1,400 years, which is about 26 tones of iron objects per year; while the site of Korsimoro (Burkina Faso) yielded 200,000 tonnes of slag - or 20,000 tonnes of iron objects between 1000-1500 CE, which is about 32 tonnes of iron per year.( This scale of production doubtlessly suggests that the iron was intended for export to neighboring societies, albeit not at a scale associated with large states. For example, the dramatic rise in iron production from a small site of Bandjeli in Togo, from less than a tonne in the 18th century to over 14 tones per year by 1900 may have been associated with demand from sections of the kingdoms of Dagomba, Gonja, Mamprusi, although it was far from the only site( . It therefore appears that in most parts of Africa, specialization was based on pooling together surplus from various relatively small-scale industries which cumulatively produced bigger output, and may not have been concentrated even in the case of large states.( Several types of iron objects served as convenient stores of wealth and were at times used as secondary currencies in some contexts, primarily because of the ever-present demand for domestic and agricultural iron implements like hoes, knives, machetes, harpoons, as well as the general use of metals for tribute, social ceremonies, and trade.( In West Africa, iron blooms were traded and kept as heirlooms, while knives and iron hoes were both a trade item and a medium of exchange in parts of Southern Africa and west-central Africa( . In East Africa, where long-distance traders like the 19th century ( were required by local rulers to give iron hoes as a form of tax on their return journeys from the interior as a substitute for cowries and cloth. Similary In Ethiopia, iron plowshares were valued items of trade.( _Illustration depicting an ‘Abyssinian Plough’. ca. 1868_, Library of Congress. * * * Iron in the History of Warfare and Politics in Pre-colonial Africa. Given its centrality in agriculture and trade, the spread of iron working in Africa was closely associated with the emergence and growth of complex societies across the continent. The rise of African states resulted in an increased demand for symbols of prestige and power, among which iron, copper, and gold were prominent. Increase in metal production and changes in furnace construction in the Great Lakes region for example, were associated with the emergence of the kingdoms of Bunyoro, Buganda, and Nyiginya (Rwanda),( and similar developments in southern Africa and the East African coast were associated with the rise of the kingdoms at Great Zimbabwe and Kilwa.( A significant number of iron tools found at the oldest sites of ironworking across the continent included knives and arrowheads. Additionally, a number of historical traditions of societies in central Africa like the kingdom of Ndongo and Luba, either attribute or closely associate the founding of kingdoms to iron-wielding warrior-kings and blacksmiths( . Iron was often conceptually integrated within the organizing structures of these states, with iron symbolism frequently incorporated within iconography, mythology, and systems of tribute payment, all of which underscores the importance of iron weapons to the emergence and expansion of African kingdoms and empires, especially in warfare.( [![Number 307:1983\ ]( "Number 307:1983\ ")]( _Sword made by a Ngala smith from Congo_, Copper alloy handle with iron struts attached to iron blade, Late 19th century, Saint Louis art museum _Iron Sword, 19th century,_ Asante Kingdom, Ghana, British Museum * * * ( * * * ( and is too diverse to summarise here, but it suffices to say that the majority of weapons were made locally and most of them were made of Iron. The provision of weapons and the distribution of power were often strongly correlated, especially in larger complex societies where rulers retained large arsenals of weapons to distribute to their armies during times of war, and maintained a workforce of blacksmiths to provide these weapons.( In most parts of the continent, blacksmiths were numerous and usually worked in closely organized kin guilds associated with centers of political power, where rulers acted as their patrons, receiving protection and supplies in exchange for providing armies with swords, lance heads, chainmail, helmets, arrow points and throwing knives. In some exceptional cases, a few of these items were imported by wealthy rulers and subsequently reworked by local smiths to be kept as prestige items.( Among the most common iron objects in African ethnographic collections are the two-edged straight or gently tapering sword, which was common in West Africa( , as well as in most parts of central Africa, North-East Africa and the East African coast. Other collections include curved blades and throwing weapons with multiple ends, as well as axes, arrowheads, and javelin points. _sword with Iron blade, sheath decorated with plant and zoomorphic motifs, 19th century, Dahomey, Benin._ Musée d'ethnographie, Genève. _Iron and Ivory sword, undated_, Kongo, Angola/D.R.Congo, Brooklyn Museum, _Curved Iron sword, Mangbetu,_ D.R.Congo, British Museum. _Iron blades made by Ekonda smiths_, late 19th century, D.R.C, Smithsonian museum By the 18th century, swords and lances had largely fallen out of use in the regions close to the Atlantic coast and were replaced by muskets.( The repair of guns and cannons, as well as the manufacture of iron bullets was also undertaken across many societies( , from ( and ( , to ( and ( . The casting of brass and iron cannons, in particular, was attested in many parts of West Africa, most notably in the 16th-century kingdoms of Benin and Bornu, ( , as well as in the 19th-century ( . Benin in particular is known to have made a number of firearms, some of which appear in western museum collections. _Firearm made of Brass and Iron, ca. 18th century_, Benin City, Nigeria, National Museum, Benin. _Firearm made of Iron and Wood, ca. 18th century_, Benin City, Nigeria, National Museum, Benin. The complete manufacture of firearms was accomplished in some societies during the 19th century such as the ( , the ( and the Ethiopian Empire under Tewodros( . In the 1880s Samori concentrated 300-400 ironworkers in the village of Tete where they succeeded in manufacturing flintlocks at a cost lower than the price paid for those bought from Freetown. Tete was evacuated in 1892 and its armament workers were reassembled at Dabakol under the direction of an artificer who had spent several months in a French arsenal. They succeeded in making effective copies of Kropatschek repeating rifles at a rate of two of these guns per day.( * * * Iron in the making of African Art and Culture. According to Cyril Stanley Smith, a founding father of archaeometallurgy, "aesthetic curiosity" was the original driving force of technological development everywhere, and the human desire for pretty things like jewelry and sculpture, rather than for "useful" objects such as tools and weapons, first led enterprising individuals to discover new materials, processes, and structures.( While many of the oldest iron tools found in the ancient metallurgical centers of Africa were agricultural implements and weapons, a number of them also included small caches of jewelry in the form of bracelets and anklets. Later sites include Iron ornaments such as earrings, earplugs, and nose rings. African jewelry made from metal primarily consisted of gold, copper alloys, and silver, with iron being relatively uncommon. However, there are a few notable exceptions such as the kingdom of Dahomey, where skilled blacksmiths produced a remarkable corpus of sculptural artworks made of Iron called _asen_. Historically, _asen_ were also closely identiﬁed with the belief systems of the Vodun religion and practices. Following the rise of the Dahomey kingdom, their function shifted toward a more speciﬁcally royal memorial use as each king was identified with a distinct asen. These royal asen were brought out during annual “custom” rites, placed near the _djeho_ (spirit house of the king), and given libations while fixed in the ground using long iron stems. The _asen_s feature figurative scenes depicting processions of titled persons in excellent detail, at the end of which are placed _togbe_ pendants around the edge of the platform.( _Various Asen representing the Yovogan of Dahomey, from the mid-late 19th century_, Benin,. New Orleans museum, Barbier Mueller museum, Museum of Fine arts. Iron sculptures from Dahomey; _figure of the Fon deity Gu holding up a sword, late 19th century,_ private collection. _Asen altar with birds on a tree, early 20th century,_ Fowler Museum. Iron sculptures and other artifacts made of composite materials that include iron are attested across multiple African art traditions, from West African figures made by the Yoruba of south-western Nigeria, as well as the Dogon and Mande of Mali, to the composite wood-and-iron sculptures of West central Africa, to the musical instruments of central and southern Africa, such as thumb pianos and rattles of the Chokwe artists of Angola and D.R.Congo. Iron sculptures of Yoruba artists, _Opa Osanyín staff, 19th century_, private collection. _Rainmaking vessel, mid-20th century_, Fowler Museum. composite iron and wood artefacts by the Chokwe; _Lamellophone (chisanji), ca. 1890_, Angola/D.R.Congo, Musical Instrument Museum, Phoenix. _Thumb piano with an equestrian figure, 19th century_, Angola/D.R.Congo, Cleveland Museum The smelting of Iron in Africa gradually declined in the 20th century as local demand was increasingly met by industrial iron and steel, but smithing continues across most parts of the continent. This shift from smelting to smithing began in some coastal regions significantly earlier than on the African mainland, where smelting persisted well into the post-colonial era.( In response to shifts in local economies during the colonial and post-colonial era, African blacksmiths began incorporating salvaged materials into their work through creative recycling. Blacksmiths continue to serve as technology brokers who transform one object into another— truck wheels become bells and gongs; leaf springs from cars become axes and asen in Benin; and bicycle spokes become thumb pianos in western Zambia. Today, smiths forge work to accommodate new contexts and purposes. For example in southern Nigeria, where the Yorùbá deity of iron, Ògún, has become the patron of automobiles, laptops, and cell phones.( Iron continues to play a central role in the development of African societies, a product of centuries of innovations and developments in one of the continent’s oldest technologies. man carrying a massive sword dedicated to Gu; the god of iron and war. ca. 1950 Abomey, Benin, Quai Branly. * * * Recent archeological research has uncovered a series of stone complexes in the Mandara mountains of Cameroon which historical documents from the region associate with the expansion of complex societies and empires at the end of the Middle Ages. Please subscribe to read about the DGB ruins and the Mandara kingdom here: ( Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 20-23) ( Ferrous metallurgy from the Bir Massouda metallurgical precinct at Phoenician and Punic Carthage and the beginning of the North African Iron Age by Brett Kaufman et al. ( Ancient Mining and Smelting Activities in the Wadi Abu Gerida Area, Central Eastern Desert, Egypt: Preliminary Results by Mai Rifai, Yasser Abd El-Rahman, Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 71, ( Investigating the ironworking remains in the Royal City of Meroe , Sudan by Chris Carey, The ancient iron mines of Meroe by Jane Humphris et al., A New Radiocarbon Chronology for Ancient Iron Production in the Meroe Region of Sudan by Jane Humphris, Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 72 ( Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cuénod, D. J. Mattingly pg 239) ( Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy in Africa by F Bandama pg 6, The Origins of African Metallurgies by A.F.C. Holl pg 7-8, 12-13, 21-31) ( Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cuénod, D. J. Mattingly pg 238) ( Excavations at Walalde: New Light on the Settlement of the Middle Senegal Valley by Iron-Using People by A Deme ( The Early Iron Metallurgy of Bassar, Togo: furnaces, metallurgical remains and iron objects by PL de Barros ( Lejja archaeological site, Southeastern Nigeria and its potential for archaeological science research by Pamela Ifeoma Eze-Uzomaka et. al. ( Iron metallurgy in West Africa: An Early Iron smelting site in the Mouhoun Bend, Burkina Faso by Augustin Ferdinand Charles Holl ( Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs pg 321-322 ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns edited by Bassey Andah, Alex Okpoko, Thurstan Shaw, Paul Sinclair pg 302-306, Our Iron Smelting 14C Dates from Central Africa: From a Plain Appointment to a Full Blown Relationship" by Bernard Clist, A critical reappraisal of the chronological framework of the early Urewe Iron Age industry by Bernard Clist. ( Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 22. ( Foundations of an African Civilisation by D. Philipson pg 142, 166-167. ( Book review essay: What do we know about African iron working? by D. Killick pg 107 ( The Origins of African Metallurgies by A.F.C. Holl pg 4, Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 25 ( Zilum: a mid-first millennium BC fortified settlement by C Magnavita pg 166-167 ( Urbanisation and State Formation in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond by Martin Sterry, ‎David J. Mattingly pg 516, Landscapes, Sources and Intellectual Projects of the West African Past: Essays in Honour of Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias pg 25-32) ( The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns pg 333-334 ( The Social Context of Iron Forging on the Kenya Coast by Chapurukha M. Kusimba pg 401-402) ( Did They or Didn't They Invent It? Iron in Sub-Saharan Africa by Stanley B. Alpern pg 85, Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cuénod, D. J. Mattingly pg 292-294) ( Invention and Innovation in African Iron-smelting Technologies by David J Killick pg 312-313) ( African Iron Production and Iron-Working Technologies pg 2-3 ( Book review essay: What do we know about African iron working? by D. Killick pg 108 ( Cairo to Cape: The Spread of Metallurgy Through Eastern and Southern Africa by D. Killick pg 408 ( Metals in Mandara Mountains Society and Culture edited by Nicholas David pg 12-13, 174. ( Did They or Didn't They Invent It? Iron in Sub-Saharan Africa by Stanley B. Alpern pg 87, Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy in Africa by F Bandama pg 11) ( Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy in Africa by F Bandama pg 12, African Iron Production and Iron-Working Technologies pg 4-5. ( The Social Context of Iron Forging on the Kenya Coast by Chapurukha M. Kusimba, 386, Style, Technology, and Iron Smelting Furnaces in Bantu-Speaking Africa by S. Terry Childs pg 343-345 ( Metals in Past Societies: A Global Perspective on Indigenous African Metallurgy By Shadreck Chirikure pg 10, Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs pg 325-326, Warfare in Pre-Colonial Africa by C. G. Chidume et al pg 75-76 ( Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cuénod, D. J. Mattingly 303-304, The Social Context of Iron Forging on the Kenya Coast by Chapurukha M. Kusimba, pg 390-393) ( Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cuénod, D. J. Mattingly pg 295-302) ( Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs pg 327-328 ( Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy in Africa by F Bandama pg 13-14, When the smith is a woman: innovation, improvisation and ambiguity in the organisation of African iron metallurgy by Ezekiel Mtetwa et. al. ( How Societies Are Born by Jan Vansina pg 65-66, 79-81. ( Invention and Innovation in African Iron-smelting Technologies by David J Killick pg 314-316) ( Mobile Technologies in the Ancient Sahara and Beyond edited by C. N. Duckworth, A. Cuénod, D. J. Mattingly pg 302, 305) ( A Comparison of Early and Later Iron Age Societies in the Bassar Region of Togo Philip de Barros pg 10-11 ( A technological and anthropological study of iron production in Venda, Limpopo Province, South Africa by Eric Ndivhuwo Mathoho pg 18, Early metallurgy and surplus without states in Africa south of the Sahara by Shadreck Chirikure ( Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs pg 332-333 ( Preindustrial Mining and Metallurgy in Africa Foreman Bandama pg 12, How Societies Are Born by Jan Vansina pg 126-127, 154-155 ( People of the Plow: An Agricultural History of Ethiopia, 1800–1990 By James McCann pg 130 ( Indigenous African Metallurgy: Nature and Culture by S. Terry Childs pg 330-331, Pre-colonial iron production in Great Lakes Africa by Louise Iles pg 60-63 ( Innovation, Tradition and Metals at Kilwa Kisiwani by Stephanie Wynne-Jones ( Blacksmiths of Ilamba: A Social History of Labor at the Nova Oeiras Iron Foundry (Angola, 18th Century) by Crislayne Alfagali ( Pre-colonial iron production in Great Lakes Africa by Louise Iles pg 58-60, Paths in the rainforests by Jan Vansina pg 60-61, ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 92, 101, Warfare in Pre-Colonial Africa by C. G. Chidume et al pg 78-79. ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 90-91, 103-105) ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 93-94) ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 107-108) ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 116) ( Africa and the Indian Ocean World from Early Times to Circa 1900 by Gwyn Campbell pg 202-208 ( Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa by Robert Sidney Smith pg 116 ( Did They or Didn't They Invent It? Iron in Sub-Saharan Africa by Stanley B. Alpern pg 87) ( Asen: Dahomey history, and Forged memories of Iron by S. Blier, Asen: Identifying Form, Style and Artists by S. Blier. ( The Social Context of Iron Forging on the Kenya Coast by Chapurukha M. Kusimba pg 400-401 ( Striking Iron The Art of African Blacksmiths by Allen F. Roberts and Marla C. Berns ### to African History Extra By isaac Samuel · Launched 3 years ago All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past	## A General History of Iron Technology in Africa ca. 2000 BC-1900 AD ### Introduction 1. Iron Technology's Significance: Iron metallurgy is a well-documented technology in pre-colonial Africa. The continent is known for hosting some of the oldest ironworking sites in the world. 2. Role in Societies: Iron production was vital for the socio-economic fabric of many African societies, influencing various spheres including socio-cultural, economic, and environmental aspects. ### Origin of Iron Technology in Africa 1. Historical Context: Early studies linked the beginnings of ironworking to Near Eastern societies, positing a singular origin from which the technology spread to other regions, including Africa. 2. North African Evidence: Historical sources once represented the primary evidence for ironworking in North Africa, but recent archaeological discoveries at sites like Bir Massouda and Meroe indicate earlier iron smelting activities (760-480 BCE in Carthage; 514 BCE in Sudan). 3. Independent Development Elsewhere: Evidence suggests that ironworking developed independently in West and Sub-Saharan Africa, predating North African practices. Key sites include: - Oboui and Gbatoro in Cameroon (c. 2200-1965 BCE). - Ngayene in Senegal (1362-1195 BCE). - The Nok culture in Nigeria (800-400 BCE). ### Spread and Techniques of Ironworking 1. Bantu Expansion: The spread of ironworking technologies coincided with the migrations of Bantu-speaking groups across central, eastern, and southern Africa. 2. Regional Sites of Interest: By the 1st century CE, ironworking was prevalent in southeastern Africa (e.g., Matola in Mozambique). 3. Metallurgical Techniques: Various furnace types were utilized, indicating technological innovation tailored to different iron ores. Bloomery furnaces were predominantly employed, which operated below iron's melting point to produce wrought iron and occasionally steel. ### Process of Iron Smelting 1. Materials and Techniques: Ironworking began with raw material acquisition and preparation. The process involved constructing furnaces, followed by smelting, bloom cleaning, and smithing. 2. Diversity of Furnaces: African furnaces exhibited significant diversity, demonstrating adaptability to local materials and conditions. Innovatively, some bloomery furnaces were capable of producing steel. 3. Societal Role of Blacksmiths: Blacksmiths held a complex social status—sometimes revered for their skills but also viewed with skepticism due to their associated mystical practices. ### Impact on Agriculture and Trade 1. Agricultural Advancements: The adoption of iron tools significantly boosted agricultural productivity, facilitating surplus production and trade across communities. 2. Specialization and Trade Networks: Blacksmithing specialization emerged, with iron objects serving as currency and symbols of wealth in trade. Sites such as Bandjeli in Togo saw increased iron production in response to external demands. ### Iron in Warfare and Political Structures 1. Military Significance: Iron technology underpinned the rise of complex societies, providing weapons essential for warfare and maintaining power hierarchies. 2. Production of Weapons: Many African states organized blacksmiths to produce iron weapons, maintaining arsenals necessary for military campaigns. 3. Symbolism and Authority: Iron symbols were integrated into the political structures and mythology of various kingdoms, reflecting its multifaceted role in governance and society. ### Iron and Cultural Expression 1. Artistic Endeavors: Iron also played a role in artistic expression. Notable works include jewelry and cultural artifacts, as seen in Dahomey’s iron sculptures associated with Vodun practices. 2. Craft and Ritual: The crafting of iron items often entailed rituals, highlighting the spiritual significance attributed to metallurgy in various cultures. ### Conclusion 1. Evolution of Ironworking: The decline of traditional iron smelting began in the 20th century with the rise of industrial production. However, the legacy of iron technology remains relevant. 2. Contemporary Practices: Modern blacksmiths continue to adapt by incorporating recycled materials, reflecting historical continuity and innovation in the metallurgy practices across Africa. ### Additional Notes - Current research continues to explore the social and economic implications of iron technology in ancient African societies and its lasting impact on contemporary practices.
a brief note on new discoveries in African archeology and the stone ruins of Cameroon.	Among the first ancient Egyptian accounts on its southern neighbors is an old kingdom inscription that describes a trading expedition to an unspecified region called the land of Punt. Egyptologists had long debated about the location of this mysterious territory before recent archeological discoveries at Mahal Teglinos in eastern Sudan and the Red Sea port of Mersa eventually solved the riddle of Punt’s precise location.	=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on new discoveries in African archeology and the stone ruins of Cameroon. ====================================================================================== ( Aug 04, 2024 25 Among the first ancient Egyptian accounts on its southern neighbors is an old kingdom inscription that describes a trading expedition to an unspecified region called ( . Egyptologists had long debated about the location of this mysterious territory before recent archeological discoveries at Mahal Teglinos in eastern Sudan and the Red Sea port of Mersa eventually solved the riddle of Punt’s precise location. Archeology plays a central role in reconstructing Africa's history, despite the rather complicated relationship between the two disciplines. On a continent where the limitations of written and oral histories have been acknowledged, archeologists and historians often work together to develop an interdisciplinary study of Africa's past.( Most of the latest research into the history of different African societies has been the product of interdisciplinary cooperation between archaeologists and historians. The locations of many African historical sites that were amply described by historians have since been identified and rediscovered by archeologists, helping to expand our understanding of Africa's past. For example in northern Ethiopia, where there are several historical accounts describing the highly urbanized ( , recent archeological excavations have uncovered many ruined cities and towns which include the kingdom’s capital, whose cemetery contained inscribed tombs of the kingdom's rulers. _ruins of a mosque at Beri-Ifat_ _Partially excavated ruins of a 15th century building complex at Field A, Old Buipe, Ghana_ In northern Ghana, there are multiple internal and external accounts describing the ( which was founded by migrant elites from the Mali empire. Recent archeological work has identified the old capital of the kingdom as well as several complex structures whose construction resembles the architectural style of medieval Mali. In South Africa, oral and written accounts about heterogeneous groups of Sotho-Tswana and Nguni-speakers referred to as "Koni" have helped historians and archeologists to identify the builders of ( , a widely distributed complex of terraced stone-walled sites in the escarpments of the Mpumalanga province. _Bokoni ruins near near Machadodorp, South Africa._ Similar discoveries abound across most of the continent, from the ( , to the painted churches of ( , all of which demonstrate the usefulness of interdisciplinary studies. Recent archeological work in the mountains of northern Cameroon has uncovered more than sixteen complexes of stone ruins whose construction between the 14th and 17th centuries coincided with the expansion of the Bornu empire and the lesser-known kingdom of Mandara, during an era when the region’s history was well documented. My latest Patreon article explores the history of the stone ruins of Cameroon within the context of the documented history of the Mandara kingdom during the 16th century. Please subscribe to read about it here: ( * * * _( , Medieval Nubia, Sudan_. This is one of the most recent discoveries in African archeology. Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Trouble with Siblings: Archaeological and Historical Interpretation of the West African Past, By Christopher DeCorse and Gerard Chouin, The intersection of archaeology, oral tradition and history in the South African interior by Jan CA Boeyens. 25 Likes · ( 25 2 Comments ( ( Sep 4, 2021 • ( 30 ( ( Apr 9, 2023 • ( 17 ( ( Apr 7 • ( 48 See all Ready for more?	### Title: Recent Discoveries in African Archaeology and the Stone Ruins of Cameroon 1. Ancient Egyptian Accounts of Trade - Ancient Egyptians recorded trading expeditions to a region called Punt, which was unlocated for many years. - Egyptologists debated the location of Punt until recent archaeological discoveries in eastern Sudan (Mahal Teglinos) and the Red Sea port of Mersa provided clarity on its position. 2. Role of Archaeology in African History - Archaeology is essential for reconstructing Africa's history, especially where written and oral histories may be limited or lacking. - Interdisciplinary collaboration between archaeologists and historians has enhanced the understanding of Africa’s past. 3. Recent Archaeological Findings - In northern Ethiopia, excavations have revealed ruined cities and towns that correlate with historical accounts of urbanization. These findings include the capital of a kingdom with inscribed tombs of its rulers. - In northern Ghana, archaeological work has identified the old capital of a kingdom founded by elites from the Mali Empire, uncovering structures that reflect medieval Mali's architectural style. - In South Africa, archaeological and historical records regarding diverse groups such as the Sotho-Tswana and Nguni speakers have identified the builders of the Bokoni ruins, characterized by terraced stone walls. 4. Discovery of Stone Ruins in Cameroon - Recent archaeological work in northern Cameroon has uncovered over sixteen complexes of stone ruins dated between the 14th and 17th centuries. - The construction of these ruins aligns with the historical expansion of the Bornu Empire and the Mandara Kingdom, which are documented in historical sources from that era. 5. Conclusion - The discoveries of stone ruins in Cameroon and the findings across Africa underscore the importance of interdisciplinary studies in reconstructing African history. - Further exploration of the history of these ruins, particularly in the context of the Mandara Kingdom during the 16th century, is available in detailed articles that delve deeper into this significant aspect of African heritage.
The empire of Kong (ca. 1710-1915): a cultural legacy of medieval Mali.	At the close of the 18th century, the West African hosts of the Scottish traveler Mungo Park informed him of a range of mountains situated in "a large and powerful kingdom called Kong".	=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The empire of Kong (ca. 1710-1915): a cultural legacy of medieval Mali. ======================================================================= ( Jul 28, 2024 27 At the close of the 18th century, the West African hosts of the Scottish traveler Mungo Park informed him of a range of mountains situated in _"a large and powerful kingdom called Kong"._ These legendary mountains of Kong subsequently appeared on maps of Africa and became the subject of all kinds of fanciful stories that wouldn't be disproved until a century later when another traveler reached Kong, only to find bustling cities instead of snow-covered ranges( . The mythical land of Kong would later be relocated to Indonesia for the setting of the story of the famous fictional character King Kong( . The history of the real kingdom of Kong is no less fascinating than the story of its legendary mountains. For most of the 18th and 19th centuries, the city of Kong was the capital of a vast inland empire populated by the cultural heirs of medieval Mali, who introduced a unique architectural and scholarly tradition in the regions between modern Cote D'Ivoire and Burkina Faso. This article explores the history of the Kong empire, focusing on the social groups that contributed to its distinctive cultural heritage. _approximate extent of the ‘Kong empire’ in 1740._ * * * Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, subscribe here to read more about African history, download free books, and keep this newsletter free for all: ( * * * The early history of Kong and Dyula expansion from medieval Mali. The region around Kong was at the crossroads of long-distance routes established by the Dyula/Juula traders who were part of the ( during the late Middle Ages. These trade routes, which connected the ( and Begho to later cities like Kong, Bobo-Dioulasso, and Bonduku, were conduits for lucrative commerce in gold, textiles, salt, and kola for societies between the river basins of the Niger and the Volta (see map above).( The hinterland of Kong was predominantly settled by speakers of the Senufu languages who likely established a small kingdom centered on what would later become the town of Kong. According to later accounts, there were several small Senufu polities in the region extending from Kong to Korhogo in the west, and northward to Bobo-Dioulasso, between the Bandama and Volta rivers. These polities interacted closely, and some, such as the chiefdom of Korohogo, would continue to flourish despite the profound cultural changes of the later periods.( These non-Muslim agriculturalists welcomed the Mande-speaking Dyula traders primarily because of the latter's access to external trade items like textiles (mostly used as burial shrouds) and acculturated the Dyula as ritual specialists (Muslim teachers) who made protective amulets. It was in this context that the city of Kong emerged as a large cosmopolitan center attracting warrior groups such as the Mande-speaking Sonongui, and diverse groups of craftsmen including the Hausa, who joined the pre-existing Senufu and Dyula population.( Throughout the 16th century, the growing influence of external trade and internal competition between different social groups among the warrior classes greatly shaped political developments in Kong. By 1710, a wealthy Sonongui merchant named Seku Umar who bore the Mande patronymic of "Watara" took power in Kong with support from the Dyula, and would reign until 1744. Seku Umar Watara’s new state came to be known as Kpon or K'pon in internal accounts, which would later be rendered as “Kong” in Western literature. After pacifying the hinterland of Kong, Seku's forces campaigned along the route to Bobo-Dioulassao, whose local Dyula merchants welcomed his rule.( _view of Kong, ca. 1892_, by Louis Binger. _a section of Kong_, ca. 1889, Binger & Molteni. _Palace of the Senufu king Gbon Coulibaly at Korhogo_, ca. 1920, Quia Branly. Despite the Dyula presence in Korhogo and the town’s proximity to Kong, it was outside the latter’s direct control. * * * The states of Kong during the 18th century and the houses of Watara. Seku Watara expanded his power rapidly across the region, thanks to his powerful army made up of local allies serving under Sonongui officers. Seku Watara and his commanders, such as his brother Famagan, his son Kere-Moi, and his general Bamba, conquered the regions between the Bandama and Volta rivers (northern Cote d’Ivoire) in the south, to Minyaka and Macina (southern Mali) in the north. They even got as far as the hinterland of Jenne in November 1739 according to a local chronicle. Sections of the army under Seku Umar and Kere Moi then campaigned west to the Bambara capital of Segu and the region of Sikasso (also in southern Mali), before retiring to Kong while Famagan settled near Bobo.( The expansion of the Kong empire was partly driven by the need to protect trade routes, but no centralized administration was installed in conquered territories despite Famagan and Kere Moi recognizing Seku Umar as the head of the state. After the deaths of Seku (1744) and Famagan (1749) the breach between the two collateral branches issuing from each royal house grew deeper, resulting in the formation of semi-autonomous kingdoms primarily at Kong and Bobo-Dioulasso (originally known as Sya), but also in many smaller towns like Nzan, all of which had rulers with the title of _Fagama_.( The empire of Kong, which is more accurately referred to as _“the states of Kong”_, consisted of a collection of polities centered in walled capitals that were ruled by dynastic _‘war houses’_ which had overlapping zones of influence. These houses consisted of their _Fagama_'s kin and dependents, who controlled a labyrinthine patchwork of allied settlements and towns from whom they received tribute and men for their armies.( The heads of different houses at times recognized a paramount ruler, but remained mostly independent, each conducting their campaigns and preserving their own dynastic histories.( In this complex social mosaic, many elites adopted the Watara patronymic through descent, alliance, or dependency, and there were thus numerous “Watara houses” scattered across the entire region between the northern Ivory Coast, southern Mali, and western Burkina Faso. At least four houses in the core regions of Kong claimed descent from Seku Umar; there were several houses in the Mouhoun plateau (western Burkina Faso) that claimed descent from both Famagan and Kere Moi. Other houses were located in the region of Bobo-Dioulasso, in Tiefo near the North-western border of Ghana, and as far east as the old town of Loropeni in southern Burkina Faso.( _Friday Mosque of Kong_, ca. 1920, Quai Branly. The mosque was built in the late 18th century. _Street scene in the Marabassou quarter of Kong_, ca. 1892, ANOM. _Bobo Dioulasso’s Friday Mosque_, ca. 1904, Quai Branly. The mosque was built in the late 19th century. _section of Bobo-Dioulasso_, ca. 1904, Quai Branly. * * * ( * * * The influence of Dyula on architecture and scholarship in the states of Kong. The dispersed Watara houses often competed for political and commercial influence, relying on external mediators such as the Dyula traders to negotiate alliances( . Although nominally Muslim, the Watara elites stood in contrast to the Dyula, as the former were known to have retained many pre-Islamic practices. They nevertheless acknowledged the importance of Dyula clerics as providers of protective amulets, integrated them into the kingdom's administration, and invited them to construct mosques and schools.( The cities of Kong and Bobo became major centers of scholarship whose influence extended as far as the upper Volta to the Mande heartlands in the upper Niger region. The movement of students and teachers between towns created a scholarship 'network' that corresponded in large part to their trading network.( Influential Dyula lineages such as the Saganogo (or Saganugu) acquired a far-ranging reputation for scholarship by the late 18th century. They introduced the distinctive style of architecture found in the region( , and are credited with constructing the main mosque at Kong in 1785, as well as in cities not under direct Watara control such as at Buna in 1795, at Bonduku in 1797, and at Wa in 1801. Their members were imams of Kong, Bobo-Dioulasso, and many surrounding towns. The Dyula shunned warfare and lived in urban settlements away from the warrior elite’s capitals, but provided horses, textiles, and amulets to the latter in exchange for protecting trade routes.( _mosque in Kong_, by Louis Binger, ca. 1892. The Saganogo scholars of Kong (also known as _karamokos_ : men of knowledge) are among the most renowned figures in the region’s intellectual history, being part of a chain of learning that extends back to the famous 15th-century scholar al-Hajj Salim Suware of medieval Mali.( The most prominent of these was Mustafa Saganogo (d. 1776) and his son Abbas b. Muhammad al-Mustafa (d. 1801), who appear in the autobiographies of virtually all the region’s scholars( . The former promoted historical writing, and, in 1765, built a mosque bearing his name, which attracted many students. His son became the imam of Kong and, according to later accounts, _"brought his brothers to stay there, and then the 'ulama gathered around him to learn from him, and the news spread to other places, and the people of Bonduku and Wala came to him, and the people of the land of Ghayagha and also Banda came to study with him."_( Descendants of Mustafa Saganogo, who included Seydou and Ibrahim Saganogo, were invited to Bobo-Dioulasso by its Watara rulers to serve as advisors. They arrived in 1764 and established themselves in the oldest quarters of the city where they constructed mosques, of which they were the first imams. Around 1840, a section of scholars from Bobo-Dioulasso led by Bassaraba Saganogo, the grandson of the abovementioned brothers, established another town 15 km south at Darsalamy (Dār as-Salām).( The Saganogo teachers were also associated with several well-connected merchant-scholars with the patronymic of Watara who gained prominence across the region, between the cities of Kong, Bonduku, and Buna.( Among these were the gold-trading family of five brothers, including; Karamo Sa Watara, who was the eldest of the brothers and did business in the Hausaland and Bornu; Abd aI-Rahman, who was married to the daughter of Soma Ali Watara of Nzan; Idris, who lived at Ja in Massina; Mahmud who lived in Buna and was married to a local ruler. Karamo's son, Abu Bakr al-Siddiq, who provided a record of his family’s activities, later became a prominent scholar in Buna where he studied with his cousin Kotoko Watara who later became ruler of Nzan. The head of the Buna school was Abdallah b. al-Hajj Muhammad Watara, himself a student of Mustafa Saganogo. Buna was a renowned center of learning attracting students from as far as Futa Jallon (in modern Guinea), and the explorer Heinrich Barth heard of it as _"a place of great celebrity for its learning and its schools."_( _An important marabout (teacher/scholar) in Kong, ca. 1920, Quai Branly. Neighborhood mosque in Kong_, ca. 1892, ANOM. * * * The states of Kong during the 19th century In the later period, the Dyula scholars would come to play an even more central political role in both Kong and Bobo, at the expense of the warrior elites. When the traveler Louis Binger visited Kong in 1888, he noted that the ‘king’ of the city was Soukoulou Mori, but that real power lay with Karamoko Oule, a prominent merchant-scholar, as well as the imam Mustafa Saganogo, who he likened to a minister of public education because he managed many schools. He estimated the city’s population at around 15,000, and referred to its inhabitants’ religious tolerance —characteristic of the Dyula— especially highlighting their _"instinctive horror of war, which they consider dishonorable unless in defense of their territorial integrity."_ He described how merchant scholars proselytized by forming alliances with local rulers after which they'd open schools and invite students to study.( _Arrival in Kong_ by Louis-Gustave Binger, ca. 1892 _copy of the safe conduct issued to Binger by the notables of Kong_, ca. 1892, British Library. The main Watara houses largely kept to themselves, but would occasionally form alliances which later broke up during periods of extended conflict. The most dramatic instance of the shattering of old alliances occurred in the last decade of the 19th century when ( coincided with the advance of the French colonial forces.( Samori Ture reached this region in 1885 and was initially welcomed by the Dyula of Kong who also sent letters to their peers in Buna and Bonduku, informing them that Samori didn't wish to attack them. However, relations between the Dyula and Samori later deteriorated and he sacked Buna in late 1896.( In May of 1897, the armies of Samori marched against Kong, which he suspected of entering into collusion with his enemy; Babemba of Sikasso, by supplying the latter with horses and trade goods. Samori sacked Kong and pursued its rulers upto Bobo, with many of Kong's inhabitants fleeing to the town of Kotedugu whose Watara ruler was Pentyeba. Hoping to stall Samori's advance, Pentyeba allied with the French, who then seized Bobo from one of Samori's garrisons. They later occupied Kong in 1898, and after briefly restoring the Watara rulers, they ultimately abolished the kingdom by 1915, marking the end of its history.( The historical legacy of Kong is preserved in the distinctive architectural style and intellectual traditions of modern Burkina Faso and Cote d'Ivoire, whose diverse communities of Watara elites and Dyula merchants represent the southernmost cultural expansion of Medieval Mali. _Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso._ * * * * * * The kingdom of Bamum created West Africa’s largest corpus of Graphics Art during the early 20th century, which included detailed maps of the kingdom and capital, drawings of historical events and fables, images of the kingdom's architecture, and illustrations depicting artisans, royals, and daily life in the kingdom. Please subscribe to read about the Art of Bamum in this article where I explore more than 30 drawings preserved in various museums and private collections. ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( 'From the Best Authorities': The Mountains of Kong in the Cartography of West Africa by Thomas J. Bassett, Philip W. Porter ( The character's creator read many European travel accounts of Africa, traveled to the region around Gabon, was fascinated with African wildlife, and drew on 19th-century Western images of Africa and colonial-era films set in Belgian Congo to create the character. Biographers suggest that the name 'Kong' may have been derived from the kingdom of Kongo, although it is more likely that the legendary mountains of Kong which were arguably better known, and were said to have snow-covered peaks, forested slopes, and gold-rich valleys, provide a better allegory for King Kong's 'skull island' than the low lying coastal kingdom of Kongo. ( Rural and Urban Islam in West Africa by Nehemia Levtzion, ‎Humphrey J. Fisher pg 98-99, Islam on both Sides: Religion and Locality in Western Burkina Faso by Katja Werthmann pg 129) ( Les états de Kong (Côte d'Ivoire) By Louis Tauxier, Edmond Bernus pg 23-27) ( Rural and Urban Islam in West Africa by Nehemia Levtzion, ‎Humphrey J. Fisher pg 104-106, The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir Şaul pg 545) ( Les états de Kong (Côte d'Ivoire) By Louis Tauxier, Edmond Bernus pg22, 39-41) ( Unesco general history of Africa vol 5 pg 358, The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir Şaul pg 549-551) ( The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir Şaul pg 550-551 ( The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir Şaul pg 557-561, 566) ( Les états de Kong (Côte d'Ivoire) By Louis Tauxier, Edmond Bernus pg 64-69) ( The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir Şaul pg 562-564) ( The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir Şaul pg 565) ( Rural and Urban Islam in West Africa by Nehemia Levtzion, ‎Humphrey J. Fisher pg 106-8) ( Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of Western Sudanic Africa, Volume 4; by John O.. Hunwick pg 539-541 ( Architecture, Islam, and Identity in West Africa: Lessons from Larabanga By Michelle Apotsos pg 75-78 ( Rural and Urban Islam in West Africa by Nehemia Levtzion, ‎Humphrey J. Fisher pg 109-115, The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 101) ( Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of Western Sudanic Africa, Volume 4; by John O.. Hunwick pg 550-551. ( Wa and the Wala: Islam and Polity in Northwestern Ghana by Ivor Wilks pg 97-100. ( The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 102) ( Islam on both Sides: Religion and Locality in Western Burkina Faso by Katja Werthmann pg 128-136 ( Arabic Literature of Africa: The writings of Western Sudanic Africa, Volume 4; by John O.. Hunwick pg 570-571 ( The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 103-104) ( Literacy in Traditional Societies edited by Jack Goody pg 190-193, The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 107) ( The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir Şaul pg 564) ( The History of Islam in Africa edited by Nehemia Levtzion, Randall L. Pouwels pg 107-108, Les états de Kong (Côte d'Ivoire) By Louis Tauxier, Edmond Bernus pg 73-74) ( Les états de Kong (Côte d'Ivoire) By Louis Tauxier, Edmond Bernus pg 75-83, The War Houses of the Watara in West Africa by Mahir Şaul pg 569-570) ### to African History Extra By isaac Samuel · Launched 3 years ago All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past 27 Likes · ( 27 14 Comments \| \| \| \| --- \| --- \| \| \| ( ( ( Sep 4, 2021 • ( 30 ( ( Apr 9, 2023 • ( 17 ( ( Apr 7 • ( 48 See all Ready for more?	### The Empire of Kong (ca. 1710-1915): A Cultural Legacy of Medieval Mali 1. Introduction to the Empire of Kong - At the end of the 18th century, the Scottish traveler Mungo Park was informed of a powerful kingdom called Kong, marked by rumored mountains. - This kingdom was later represented on maps of Africa and became associated with fantastical tales, which would not be disproved until the late 19th century when explorers encountered actual cities. 2. Historical Context - The Kong empire, which flourished from 1710 to 1915, is rooted in the cultural traditions of medieval Mali. - It was centered around the city of Kong, which emerged as a vital cosmopolitan hub in West Africa, particularly between modern Côte d'Ivoire and Burkina Faso. 3. Early History and Cultural Foundations - The region of Kong was on major trading routes established by Dyula/Juula traders from medieval Mali. These routes facilitated commerce in gold, textiles, salt, and kola nuts. - The hinterland was predominantly settled by Senufu-speaking agriculturalists, who established small kingdoms and polities around Kong and interacted closely with Dyula traders. 4. The Rise of the Kingdom - By 1710, Seku Umar Watara, a Sonongui merchant, gained power in Kong, supported by Dyula merchants. His reign lasted until 1744. - Under his leadership, Kong expanded its territory, forming a state known as Kpon, which evolved into Kong in Western literature. 5. Political Structure and Expansion - Seku Watara's rule saw the conquest of territories for the protection of trade routes, leading to the establishment of semi-autonomous kingdoms. - Following the deaths of key leaders such as Seku Watara and his brother Famagan, the political landscape fragmented, resulting in multiple independent houses with overlapping influences. 6. Cultural Influence of the Dyula - The Dyula played a significant role in shaping the architectural and scholarly practices within the Kong states. - Although the Watara elites adhered to many pre-Islamic customs, they integrated Dyula clerics into their administrations and built mosques and schools, establishing Kong and Bobo as centers of scholarship. 7. Intellectual and Architectural Development - The Dyula, particularly the Saganogo lineage, gained prominence for their scholarship and architectural contributions, constructing significant mosques and educational institutions. - Notable figures like Mustafa Saganogo contributed to historical writing and the establishment of a scholarly network that attracted students across the region. 8. 19th Century Developments - By the late 19th century, the influence of Dyula scholars overshadowed the warrior elites, with prominent figures like Karamoko Oule and Imam Mustafa Saganogo holding significant power. - The dynamics of power shifted as the French colonial forces began to advance into the region, leading to conflicts with local rulers, including Samori Ture. 9. Decline and Legacy of the Kong Empire - The Kong empire experienced significant turmoil in the late 19th century, culminating in its occupation by French forces in 1898. - By 1915, the kingdom was formally abolished, signifying the end of its historical legacy, which persists in the cultural and architectural influences seen in modern Burkina Faso and Côte d'Ivoire. 10. Conclusion - The historical significance of the Kong empire is reflected in its rich cultural heritage, marked by the collective legacies of the Watara elites and Dyula merchants, representing the southward expansion of medieval Mali's influence in West Africa.
a brief note on themes in African art. - by isaac Samuel	Cartography, Culture and History in the artwork of the Bamum kingdom.	=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on themes in African art. ====================================== ### Cartography, Culture and History in the artwork of the Bamum kingdom. ( Jul 21, 2024 26 Sometime in the early 14th century, a skilled smith in the West African kingdom of Ife sculpted an image of a King's face into a mask of pure copper.( With its idealized features and naturalistic proportions, the copper mask of King Obalufon of Ife is considered one of the finest pieces of African art and is today one of many examples of African self-representation that informs our image of the continent's past. The rich heritage of African art represents a comprehensive visual document of the history of its many societies, each with its unique aesthetics and deep-rooted symbolism. The various art traditions that emerged across the continent —such as the famous ( , the ( , and the ( — include specific themes that expressed African concepts of power and religion, as well as depicting daily life in African societies. _copper mask of King Obalufon Alaiyemore and crowned heads from the Wunmonije site of Ife. early 14th century. NCMM, Lagos, and British Museum._ _carved ivory tusk depicting scenes of daily life, late 19th century, Loango Kingdom, Gabon. British Museum_ While sculptural art features prominently in most African art traditions, several societies also produced painted artworks and drawings on different mediums including on walls, cloth, paper, wood, and pottery. ( primarily consist of mural paintings in buildings and tombs, paintings on canvas and panels, as well as illuminated manuscripts decorated with miniature illustrations and intricate designs. _Ethiopian painting of "The Last Supper", tempera on linen, 18th century, Virginia museum of Fine Arts._ _Swahili Qur’an, late 18th to early 19th century, Siyu, Kenya. Fowler Museum._ Many of the oldest forms of African paintings and drawings come from the regions of ( and Ethiopia, which produced a vast corpus of murals, canvas and panel paintings, and miniature artwork in manuscripts. However, the production of illuminated manuscripts was more widespread with several examples from East Africa's Swahili coast and most parts of West Africa. In the West African kingdom of Bamum, the reign of its progressive king Njoya (1887-1933) was the height of the kingdom’s artistic production and innovation that resulted in the creation of some of Africa's most celebrated artworks. The highly skilled artists of Bamum produced maps of their kingdom and capital, drawings of historical events and fables, images of the kingdom's architecture, and illustrations depicting artisans, royals, and daily life in the kingdom. The artworks of the kingdom of Bamum are the subject of my latest Patreon article, Please subscribe to read about them in this article where I explore more than 30 drawings preserved in various museums and private collections. ( * * * * * * _The Flight into Egypt, Bamileke artist, early 20th century, Quai Branly Museum._ Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( [Ancient Ife and its masterpieces of African art: transforming glass, copper and terracotta into sculptural symbols of power and ritual	### Title: A Brief Note on Themes in African Art Author: Isaac Samuel Description: Cartography, Culture, and History in the Artwork of the Bamum Kingdom --- ### Introduction - African art serves as a comprehensive visual document of the continent's diverse societies. - Each society showcases unique aesthetics and symbolism through their artistic traditions. ### Historical Context of African Art 1. Significant Artwork Example: - Copper Mask of King Obalufon of Ife: - Date: Early 14th century. - Significance: Sculpted by a skilled smith in Ife, it features idealized characteristics and naturalistic proportions. - Importance: Recognized as one of the finest pieces of African art, reflecting African self-representation. 2. Art Traditions: - African art encompasses various forms such as: - Sculptural art. - Painted artworks on multiple mediums: walls, cloth, paper, wood, and pottery. - Art forms include: - Mural Paintings: Commonly found in buildings and tombs. - Canvas and Panel Paintings: Illustrated through intricate designs and miniature illustrations. ### Regional Contributions 1. Early Forms of Painting: - Notable regions for ancient paintings: - Western Africa and Ethiopia. - The production of illuminated manuscripts was prevalent, especially in: - The Swahili coast and various parts of West Africa. ### Bamum Kingdom's Artistic Contributions 1. Kingdom of Bamum: - Reign of King Njoya (1887-1933): - Period marked by artistic innovation and production. - Creation of celebrated artworks by skilled Bamum artists. 2. Artistic Output: - Artists in the Bamum Kingdom produced: - Maps depicting the kingdom and its capital. - Illustrations of historical events and fables. - Representations of the kingdom's architecture. - Depictions of artisans, royals, and daily life. ### Conclusion - The artworks of the Bamum Kingdom are explored in detail in a dedicated article, available for patrons. - This article examines over 30 drawings preserved in various museums and private collections. ### References to Notable Artworks - Copper Mask of King Obalufon Alaiyemore: Early 14th century, NCMM, Lagos, and British Museum. - Carved Ivory Tusk: Depicts daily life from the late 19th century, Loango Kingdom, Gabon, British Museum. - Ethiopian Painting of "The Last Supper": 18th century, tempera on linen, Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. - Swahili Qur'an: Late 18th to early 19th century, Siyu, Kenya, Fowler Museum. - The Flight Into Egypt: Bamileke artist, early 20th century, Quai Branly Museum. --- This rewritten content presents a clear, step-by-step narrative focusing on factual accuracy regarding the themes in African art, particularly in the context of the Bamum Kingdom.
A complete history of the old city of Gao ca. 700-1898.	Journal of African cities: chapter 12	=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A complete history of the old city of Gao ca. 700-1898. ======================================================= ### Journal of African cities: chapter 12 ( Jul 14, 2024 19 Located in northeastern Mali along the bend of the Niger River, the old city of Gao was the first urban settlement in West Africa to appear in external accounts as the capital of a large kingdom which rivaled the Ghana empire. For many centuries, the city of Gao commanded a strategic position within the complex political and cultural landscape of West Africa, as a cosmopolitan center populated by a diverse collection of merchants, scholars, and warrior-elites from across the region. The city served as the capital of the medieval kingdom of Gao from the 9th to the 13th century and re-emerged as the imperial capital of Songhay during the 16th century, before its later decline. This article explores the history of Gao from the 8th to the 19th century, focusing on the political history of the ancient West african capital. _Map of west Africa’s empires showing the location of Gao( _ * * * The early history of Gao and its kingdom: 8th century to 13th century. The eastern arc of the Niger River in modern Mali, which extends from Timbuktu to Gao to Bentiya (see map above), has been home to many sedentary iron age communities since the start of the Common Era. The material culture of the early settlements found at Tombouze near Timbuktu and Koima near Gao indicate that the region was settled by small communities of agro-pastoralists between 100-650CE, while surveys at the sites around Bentiya have revealed a similar settlement sequence.( Settlements at Gao appear in the documentary and archeological record about the same time in the 8th century. The first external writer to provide some information on Gao was the Abbasid geographer Al-Yaqubi in 872, who described the kingdom of Gao as the _"greatest of the reals of the Sudan_ \_, the most important and powerful. All the kingdoms obey their king. Kawkaw_ \ _is the name of the town. Besides this there are a number of kingdoms whose rulers pay allegiance to him and acknowledge his sovereignty, although they are kings in their own lands_.( About a century later, Gao appears in the work of the Fatimid Geographer Al-Muhallabi (d. 990) who writes: _“KawKaw is the name of a people and country in the Sudan …_ _their king pretends before his subjects to be a Muslim and most of them pretend to be Muslims too."_ He adds that the King's royal town was located on the western bank of the river, while the merchant town called Sarnāh was on the eastern bank. He also mentions that the King's subjects were Muslims, had horses and their wealth included livestock and salt.( Excavations undertaken within and near the modern city of Gao by the archeologists Timothy Insoll( and Mamadou Cissé at the sites of Gao Ancien and Gao Saney during the 1990s and early 2000s uncovered the remains of many structures including two large buildings and several residential structures at both sites built with brick and stone, as well as elite cemeteries containing over a hundred inscribed stele dating from the late 11th to the mid-14th century. Additionally, a substantial quantity of materials including pottery, and iron, objects of copper and gold with their associated crucibles, and a cache of ivory.( _remains of the ‘Long house’ and the ‘Pillar house’ Gao Ancien_. The latter was initially thought to be a mosque, but it has no _mirhab_, which may indicate that it was an elite residence/palace like the former. The bulk of the pottery recovered from excavations at Gao is part of a broader stylistic tradition called the _Niger Bend Eastern Polychrome zone_, which extends from Timbuktu to Gao to Bentiya, and is associated with Songhay speakers.( Radiocarbon dates obtained from Gao-Saney and Gao Ancien indicate that the sites were occupied between 700-1100 CE with the largest building complexes being constructed between the 9th and 10th centuries, especially the ‘pillar house’ Gao-Ancien that is dated to between 900-1000 CE.( The relative abundance of imported items at Gao (mostly glass beads, a few earthen lamps, fragments of glass vessels, and window-glass) as well as export items like gold and ivory, indicates that the city had established long-distance trade contacts with the Saharan town of Essouk-Tadmekka in the north( , which was itself connected to the city of Tahert in Algeria which was dominated by Ibadi merchants( . Many inscribed stele were also discovered at Gao Saney and Gao Ancien, most of which are dated to between the late 11th and mid-14th century and mention the names of several Kings and Queen-regnants who ruled the kingdom. 12th-century funerary stela from Gao-Saney( , a Commemorative stele for a Queen ‘M.s.r’ dated 1119( , and a funerary inscription from Bentiya. _Stele from Gao of a woman named W.y.b.y. daughter of K.y.b.w, and another of a woman named K.rä daughter Adam_. Moraes Farias suggests that her name was Waybiya (or Weybuy) daughter of Kaybu, and the second was Kara or Kiray, all of which are associated with Songhai names, titles, and honorifs, including those used by the daughters of the Askiyas who appear in the 17th century Timbuktu chronicles (Tarikh al-Sudan, and Tarikh al-Fattash).( * * * ( * * * Before the recent archeological digs provided accurate radiocarbon dates for the establishment of Gao Saney and Ancien, earlier estimates were derived from the inscribed stele of both sites. Based on these, the historians Dierk Lange and John Hunwick proposed two separate origins for the rulers of Gao, by matching the names appearing on the stele with the kinglist of the enigmatic 'Za'/'Zuwa' dynasty that appears in the 17th century Timbuktu chronicles. Lange argued Gao’s rulers were Mande-speakers before they were displaced by the Songhay in the 15th century, while Hunwick argued that they were predominantly Songhay-speakers from the Bentiya-Kukiya region who founded Gao to control trade with the north and, save for a brief irruption of Ibadi-berbers allied with the Almoravids at Gao-Saney in the late 11th century, continued to rule until the end of the Songhai empire.( However, most of these claims are largely conjectural and have since been contradicted by recent research. The names of the rulers (titled: _Muluk_ for Kings or _Malika_ for Queens) inscribed on the stele don't include easily recognizable ethnonyms (such as _nisba_s) that can be ascribed to particular groups, and their continued production across four centuries across multiple sites (_Gao-Saney from 1042 to 1299; Gao Ancien from 1130 to 1364; Bentiya from 1182 to 1489_ suggests that such attributions may be simplistic. The historian Moraes Farias, who has analyzed all of the stele of the Gao and the Niger Bend region in greater detail( , argues the rulers of the kingdom inaugurated a new system of government where kingship was circulated among several powerful groups in the area, and that the capital of Gao may have shifted multiple times.( Furthermore, the archeological record from Gao-Saney in particular contradicts the claim of a Berber irruption during the late 11th century, as the site significantly predates the Almoravid period (ca. 1062–1150), having flourished in the 9th-10th century. Additionally, the pottery found at Gao Saney was different from the Berber site of Essouk-Tadmekka and North African sites, (and also the Mande site of Jenne-Jeno) but was similar to that found in the predominantly Songhay regions of the Niger Bend from Bentiya to Timbuktu, and is stylistically homogenous throughout the entire occupation period of both Gao Saney and Gao Ancien, thus providing strong evidence that the city's inhabitants were mostly local in origin.( While the archeological record at the twin settlements of Gao ends at the turn of the 11th century, the city of Gao and its surrounding kingdom continue to appear in the historical record, perhaps indicating that there are other sites yet to be discovered within its vicinity (as suggested by many archeologists). The Andalusian geographer Al-Bakri, writing in 1068, describes Gao as consisting of two towns ruled by a Muslim king whose subjects weren't Muslim. He adds that _"the people of the region of Kawkaw trade with Salt which serves as their currency"_ which he mentions is obtained from Tadmekka.( A later account by al-Zuhri (d. 1154) indicates that the Ghana empire had extended as far as Tadmekka, in an apparent alliance with the Almoravids, but he says little about Gao( . The account of al-Idrisi from 1154 notes that the _"town of Kawkaw is large and is widely famed in the land of the Sudan"_. Adding that its king is _"an independent ruler, who has the sermon at the Friday communal prayers delivered in his own name. He has many servants and a large retinue, captains, soldiers, excellent apparel and beautiful ornaments." His warriors ride horses and camels; they are brave and superior in might to all the nations who are their neighbours around their land._( * * * Gao under the Mali empire: 14th to 15th century During the mid-13th century, the kingdoms of Gao (as well as Ghana and Tadmekka) were gradually subsumed under the Mali empire. According to Ibn Khaldun, Mansa Sakura (who went on pilgrimage between 1299-1309) _"conquered the land of Kawkaw and brought it within the rule of the people of Mali."_( This process likely involved the retention of local rulers under a Mali governor, as was the case for most provinces across the empire. According to the Timbuktu chronicles, the rulers of Gao revolted under the leadership of Ali Kulun around the 14th century. Ali Kulun is credited in some accounts with founding the Sunni dynasty of Songhay, while others indicate that the Sunni dynasty were deputies of Mali at Bentiya.( Interestingly, the title of Askiya appeared at Gao as early as 1234 CE, instead of the title of Sunni, showing that some information about early Gao wasn’t readily available to the chroniclers of the Tarikhs.( However, the hegemony of the empire of Mali in the Gao Region would continue well into the 1430s, as indicated by Mansa Musa's sojourning in the city upon his return from his famous pilgrimage of 1324. The Tarikh al-Sudan adds that Mansa Musa built a mosque in Gao, _"which is still there to this day"_ \, something that is frequently recalled in Gao’s oral traditions and was once wrongly thought to be the ruined building found at Gao-Ancien.( When the globetrotter Ibn Batuta visited Gao in 1353, he mentioned that it was _"one of the most beautiful, biggest and richest towns of Sudan, and the best supplied with provisions. Its inhabitants transact business, buying and selling, with cowries, as do the people of Mali"_ He adds that Mali’s hegemony extended a certain distance downstream from Gao, to a place called Mūlī, which may have been the name for Bentiya and a diasporic settlement of Mande elites and merchants. ( _Gao on the long-distance trade routes_, map by Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias _astronomical manuscript titled "Kitâb fî al-Falak" (on the knowledge of the stars)_, ca. 1731, Gao, Mamma Haidara Library, Mali. * * * Gao as the imperial capital of Songhai from the 15th-16th century Mali withdrew from the Niger Bend around 1434, and by the mid-15th century, the Suuni dynasty under Sulaymān Dāma had established its independence, his armies occupied Gao and campaigned as far as the Mali heartland of Mema by 1464. His successor, Sunni Ali Ber (r. 1464-1492) established Gao as the capital of his new empire of Songhai but maintained palaces across the region. Sunni Ali was succeeded by Askiya Muhammad, who founded the Askiya dynasty of Songhay and retained the city of Gao as his capital and the location of the most important palace. The city’s population grew as a consequence of its importance to the Askiyas, and it became one of the most important commercial, administrative, and scholarly capitals of 16th-century West Africa.( The 1526 account of the maghrebian traveler Leo Africanus, who visited Gao during Askiya Muhammad’s reign noted that it was a _“very large town"_ and _"very civilized compared to Timbuktu"_, and that the houses of the king and his courtiers were of _"very fine appearance"_ in contrast to the rest. He mentions that _"The king has a special palace”_ and _“a sizeable guard of horsemen and foot soldiers_”, adding that _"between the public and private gates of his palace there is a large courtyard surrounded by a wall. On each side of this courtyard a loggia serves as an audience chamber. Although the king personally handles all his affairs, he is assisted by numerous functionaries, such as secretaries, counsellors, captains, and stewards.”_( The various Songhay officers at Gao mentioned by Leo Africanus also appear extensively in the Tarikh al-Sudan, which also mentions that the Askiyas established "special quarters" in the city for specialist craftsmen of Mossi and Fulbe origin, that supplied the palace.( According to the Tarikh al-Fattash, a ‘census’ of the compound houses in Gao during the reign of Askiya al-Hajj revealed a total of 7,626 such structures and numerous smaller houses. Given that each of these compound houses had about five to ten people, the population of the city's core was between 38,000 and 76,000, not including those living on the outskirts and the itinerant population of merchants, canoemen, soldiers, and other visitors.( The city's large population was supplied by an elaborate system of royal estates established by the Askiyas along the Niger River from Dendi (in northern Benin) to Lake Debo (near Timbuktu). The rice and other grains that were cultivated on these estates were transported on large river barges along the Niger to Gao. The Timbuktu chronicles note that as many as 4,000 _sunnu_ (600-750 tons) of grain were sent annually during the 16th century, carried by barges with a capacity of 20 tonnes.( Gao, ca. 1935, ANOM. Gao, late 20th century, Quai Branly _Map of Gao in 1951, showing Gao Ancien (broken outline), the old town, and the region of modern settlements (shaded)._ Map by T. Insoll. _The tomb of the Askiya_, ca. 1920, ANOM. * * * ( * * * Gao after the collapse of Songhay: 17th-19th century. After the Moroccan invasion of 1591, many of the residents of Gao fled the city by river, taking the over 2,000 barges docked at its river port of Goima to move south to the region of Dendi. _"none of its \ inhabitants remained there except the khatib Mahmud Darami, and the scholars, and those merchants who were unable to flee."_ This group opted to submit to the invaders, who subsequently appointed a puppet sultan named Sulayman son of Askiya Dawud, to ruler over Gao, while they chose Timbuktu as the capital of their Pashalik.( Unable to defeat the Askiyas of Dendi as well as the Bambara and Fulbe rulers in the hinterlands of Djenne, the remaining Moroccan soldiers, who were known as the Arma, garrisoned themselves in Djenne, Timbuktu, and Gao and appointed their own Pashas. According to multiple internal accounts, the cities of Timbuktu and Gao went into steep decline during the late 17th to mid-18th century, largely due to the continued attacks by the Tuareg confederations of Tadmekkat and Iwillimidden in the hinterlands of the cities, which drove away merchant traffic and scholars. After several raids, Gao was occupied by the Iwillimidden in 1770, who later occupied Timbuktu in 1787, deposed the Arma, and abolished the Pashalik.( Multiple accounts from the early 19th century indicate that Timbuktu and its surrounding hinterland were conquered by the Bambara empire of Segu around 1800, before the power was passed on to the Massina empire of Hamdullahi.( However, few of the accounts describe the situation in Gao, which seems to have been largely neglected and doesn’t appear in internal accounts of the period. It wasn't until the visit of the explorer Heinrich Barth in 1853 that Gao reappeared in historical records. However, the city was by then only a _"desolate abode"_ with a small population, a situation which he often contrasted to its much grander status as the _“ancient capital of Songhay”_. Barth makes note of the mosque and mausoleum of the Askiya, where he set up his camp next to some tent houses, he also describes Gao's old ruins and estimates that the old city had a circumference of 6 miles but its section was by then largely overgrown save for the homes of the estimated 7,000 inhabitants including the tent-houses of the Tuareg.( Barth’s illustration of the Askiya’s tomb on the outskirts of Gao in 1854 as viewed from his camp next to the Tuareg tent-houses, and a photo from 1934 (ETH Zurich) showing the same tomb as seen from the Tuareg tents. _Section of Gao showing the Tuareg tents within walled compounds._ ETH Zurich, 1934. Barth notes that the Songhay residents of Gao and its hinterlands comprised a _“district”_ (ie: small kingdom) called “_Abuba”,_ that had _"lost almost all their national independence, and are constantly exposed to all sorts of contributions"_. According to local traditions collected a century later, the reigning _arma_ of Gao (title: _Gao Alkaydo_) at the time was Abuba son of Alkaydo Amatu, who gave the kingdom its name. This indicates that Gao was still under the rule of the local Arma, who were independent of the then-defunct pashalik of Timbuktu, and were culturally indistinguishable from their subjects after centuries of intermarriage. These few Arma elites continued to collect taxes from the Songhay and itinerant merchants throughout the late 19th century, despite the presence of the more numerous Iwellemmedan-Tuareg on the city's outskirts.( Gao was later occupied by the French in 1898, marking the start of its modern history( , and it is today one of Mali’s largest cities. _Gao in 1920, ANOM; 1934, ETH-Zurich._ * * * * * * Beginning in the 12th century, diplomatic links established between the kingdoms of West Africa and the Maghreb created a shared cultural space that facilitated the travel of West African envoys, merchants, and scholars to the cities of the Maghreb Marrakesh to Tripoli. READ more about West Africa's links with the Maghreb on the AfricanHistoryExtra Patreon account: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Taken from Alisa LaGamma "Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara ( Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by Mamadou Cissé, Susan Keech McIntosh pg 31, Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 43-44, Bentyia (Kukyia): a Songhay–Mande meeting point, and a “missing link” in the archaeology of the West African diasporas of traders, warriors, praise-singers, and clerics by Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias prg 32-34 ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 2) ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 8) ( Islam, Archaeology and History: Gao Region (Mali) ca. AD 900 - 1250 by Timothy Insoll ( Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 47-57, 108, 120-138, 268-269) ( Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 63-265-267) ( Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 140, 270-271, Discovery of the earliest royal palace in Gao and its implications for the history of West Africa by Shoichiro Takezawa pg 10-11, 15-16) ( Essouk - Tadmekka: An Early Islamic Trans-Saharan Market Town pg 273-280 ( Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 22, 276-277) ( Exposition al-Sahili by Musée National du Mali, 15-20 th March 2023. ( Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara by Alisa. LaGamma pg 122 ( Urbanism, Archaeology and Trade: Further Observations on the Gao Region (Mali), the 1996 Fieldseason Results by Timothy Insoll, Dorian Q. Fuller pg 156-159) ( Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by Mamadou Cissé, Susan Keech McIntosh pg 12, ( Essouk - Tadmekka: An Early Islamic Trans-Saharan Market Town pg 42, n.2 ( Arabic Medieval Inscriptions from the Republic of Mali: Epigraphy, Chronicles and Songhay-Tuareg History by P. F. de Moraes Farias ( Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by Mamadou Cissé, Susan Keech McIntosh pg 12) ( Archaeological Investigations of Early Trade and Urbanism at Gao Saney by M. Cisse pg 31, 41, 265, Islam, Archaeology and History: Gao Region (Mali) ca. AD 900 - 1250 by Timothy Insoll pg 46-47, Excavations at Gao Saney: New Evidence for Settlement Growth, Trade, and Interaction on the Niger Bend in the First Millennium CE by Mamadou Cissé, Susan Keech McIntosh pg 19-24, 30-32, for pottery from Essuk, see: Essouk - Tadmekka: An Early Islamic Trans-Saharan Market Town pg 144-148 ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 22) ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 25-26 ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 35) ( Medieval West Africa: Views from Arab Scholars and Merchants by Nehemia Levtzion, Jay Spaulding pg 94) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg xxxvii, Bentyia (Kukyia): a Songhay–Mande meeting point, and a “missing link” in the archaeology of the West African diasporas of traders, warriors, praise-singers, and clerics by Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias prg 84-87 ( The Meanings of Timbuktu by Shamil Jeppie,pg 101-102 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg 10) ( The Travels of Ibn Battuta, AD 1325–1354: Volume IV by H.A.R. Gibb, C.F. Beckingham pg 971, Bentyia (Kukyia): a Songhay–Mande meeting point, and a “missing link” in the archaeology of the West African diasporas of traders, warriors, praise-singers, and clerics by Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias prg 69-70 ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg xxxviii ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg 283 ) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg 147-148) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg xlix) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg pg l-li) ( Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al-Saʿdi's Taʾrīkh Al-Sūdān Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents by John O. Hunwick pg 190-191, 202) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 4 pg 168-170) ( The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 4 pg 178) ( Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa By Heinrich Barth, Vol. 5, London: 1858, pg 215-223) ( Les Touaregs Iwellemmedan, 1647-1896 : un ensemble politique de la boucle du Niger · C. Grémont pg 337-346) ( Saharan Frontiers: Space and Mobility in Northwest Africa edited by James McDougall, Judith Scheele pg 137.	### A Complete History of the Old City of Gao (ca. 700-1898) #### Introduction - Location: Gao is situated in northeastern Mali along the Niger River, and historically, it served as the capital of significant kingdoms in West Africa. - Significance: It was crucial in the political and cultural landscape of West Africa, being a cosmopolitan center populated by merchants, scholars, and warriors. #### Early History of Gao (8th to 13th Century) 1. Settlements: - Evidence suggests that the Niger River's eastern arc, including Gao, was home to sedentary iron age communities from 100-650 CE. - The first external records of Gao date to the 9th century. 2. External Accounts: - Al-Yaqubi (872): Described Gao as the most powerful kingdom in the Sudan, with a king whose authority extended over multiple realms. - Al-Muhallabi (990): Noted the existence of a Muslim king in Gao, emphasizing the wealth and trade in livestock and salt. 3. Archaeological Evidence: - Excavations identified large buildings and elite cemeteries in Gao Ancien and Gao Saney, dating from the late 11th to mid-14th centuries. - Artifacts included pottery and metallic objects, indicating a thriving trade. 4. Rulers and Titles: - Inscribed stelae indicated a lineage of kings and queens, suggesting a complex political structure from the 11th to 14th centuries. - Historians debated the ethnic origins of Gao's rulers, concluding they were likely local in origin, although prior theories proposed a Berber influence. #### Gao Under the Mali Empire (14th to 15th Century) 1. Integration into Mali: - By the mid-13th century, Gao was incorporated into the Mali Empire, which retained local rulers under a governor system. - Revolts occurred, notably led by Ali Kulun, suggesting tensions within the empire. 2. Cultural Exchange: - Gao experienced significant trade and cultural interaction, particularly noted during Mansa Musa's reign in the early 14th century. 3. External Accounts: - Ibn Batuta (1353) described Gao as a prosperous trade hub, highlighting its beauty and abundance of provisions. #### Gao as the Capital of Songhai (15th-16th Century) 1. Rise of the Songhai Empire: - After Mali's withdrawal around 1434, the Songhai Empire emerged, with Gao established as its capital under Sunni Ali Ber (r. 1464-1492). - The city flourished as a center of commerce, administration, and scholarship during the reign of Askiya Muhammad. 2. Population and Infrastructure: - Leo Africanus (1526) described Gao's impressive size and structure, including the king's elaborate palace. - The Askiyas maintained agricultural estates along the Niger to supply the city. #### Gao After the Collapse of Songhai (17th-19th Century) 1. Moroccan Invasion (1591): - Following the invasion, many residents fled, and a puppet sultan was installed by the Moroccans. - Gao and Timbuktu faced decline due to continued attacks from regional groups like the Tuareg. 2. Neglect and Decline: - Gao's prominence diminished, described in the early 19th century as a "desolate abode" by explorer Heinrich Barth. - Despite this, local rulers continued to exert some influence, collecting taxes from remaining Songhai residents. 3. Colonial Period: - Gao was occupied by French forces in 1898, transitioning into modern history. #### Conclusion - Gao's history illustrates its pivotal role in West African politics, culture, and trade from its early settlement periods to colonial integration, showcasing its evolution from a powerful kingdom to a city in decline and its eventual resurgence in the modern era.
a brief note on the long history of African diplomacy.	historical links between west africa and the Maghreb.	=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on the long history of African diplomacy. ====================================================== ### historical links between west africa and the Maghreb. ( Jul 07, 2024 38 In 1415, an embassy from the Swahili city of Malindi on the coast of Kenya carried with them a giraffe as a present to the Chinese emperor Yongle. The majestic creature, which was transported along with the Malindi envoys on the ships of admiral Zheng He, caused a sensation at the imperial capital Nanjing where it was thought to be a unicorn.( About a decade prior in 1402, an Ethiopian embassy arrived at the floating city of Venice after a lengthy journey overland through Egypt and across the Mediterranean. Dressed in monastic attire and accompanied by live leopards, the small party gracefully cruised the city's canals as onlookers wondered whether they had come from the land of the semi-legendary king Prester John.( The history of Africa's engagement with the rest of the world is often framed in the context of imperial expansion and warfare, rather than the much older and more long-standing tradition of international diplomacy. While the practice of bringing exotic animals on diplomatic tours was quite rare, the dispatch of envoys by African states was a fairly common practice across the continent’s long history. Many of my previous articles on Africa's historical links to the rest of the old world often include the activities of African envoys in distant lands. Such as the embassies from ancient ( , the ( during the late Middle Ages, and the ( during the early modern period. _Portrait of Dom Miguel de Castro, Emissary of the Kongo kingdom_, 1643, National Gallery of Denmark. _Tribute giraffe with attendant_, _Ming Dynasty, Yongle Period_ (1403-1424), Philadelphia Museum of Art. The institution of diplomacy in Africa was a product of centuries of internal developments in its kingdoms and other complex societies. ( shows how its rulers' extensive foreign interests were incorporated into the complex bureaucracy of the kingdom with official diplomats, messengers, and non-official envoys. Asante’s ambassadors were provided with official attire and insignia, and were often accompanied by a large retinue whose gifts and expenses were paid for by the state. The frequency of Africa's diplomatic activities reveals the antiquity and scale of the development of the continent's institutions, which enabled many of its societies to establish and maintain peaceful relations in order to facilitate the movement of ideas, goods, and travelers in various capacities. This is most evident in the historical links between the kingdoms of West Africa and the Maghreb (north Africa), whose capitals were frequented by West African envoys since the 13th century. The intra-African diplomatic activities of these envoys provide further proof against the colonial myth of the separation of "sub-Saharan" Africa, by situating the political history of West Africa and the Maghreb within the same geographic and cultural space. The history of West Africa's links with the Maghreb is the subject of my latest Patreon article, please subscribe to read about it here: ( * * * _bas-relief showing the arrival of the Ethiopian and (Coptic) Egyptian delegations in Rome in October 1441_, ("Porta del Filarete" at the St. Peter's Basilica, Italy c.1445) Portrait of Matheo Lopez, Ambassador of the kingdom of Allada to France in 1670.	### A Brief Note on the Long History of African Diplomacy: Historical Links Between West Africa and the Maghreb 1. Introduction to African Diplomacy - The history of Africa's engagement with the world has been primarily characterized by imperial expansion and warfare. However, there exists a long-standing tradition of international diplomacy that is often overlooked. 2. Notable Diplomatic Missions - In 1415, an embassy from Malindi, a Swahili city on the coast of Kenya, traveled to present a giraffe to the Chinese emperor Yongle. This ceremony highlighted the significance of diplomatic gifts and the connections between African and Asian regions. - In 1402, an Ethiopian embassy arrived in Venice after a long overland journey through Egypt and across the Mediterranean. This delegation, dressed in monastic attire and accompanied by live leopards, captured the attention of Venetian onlookers, illustrating the fascination with African delegations in Europe. 3. Understanding African Diplomacy - The dispatch of envoys was a common practice among African states throughout history. Unlike the rarity of exotic animals accompanying diplomatic missions, sending envoys was standard, facilitating communication and relationships between states. - Many historical accounts detail the activities of African envoys in distant lands, showcasing the diplomatic relationships formed in various time periods including ancient times, the late Middle Ages, and the early modern period. 4. Institution of Diplomacy in African Kingdoms - African diplomacy developed from centuries of internal growth within kingdoms and complex societies. For instance, the Asante kingdom had a structured diplomatic system that included official diplomats and non-official envoys. - Asante ambassadors were provided with official attire and insignia. Their expeditions were supported by the state in terms of gifts and expenses, emphasizing the formal nature of diplomatic missions. 5. Regional Diplomacy and Cultural Connections - The historical links between the kingdoms of West Africa and the Maghreb (North Africa) reveal the interconnectedness of African societies. Since the 13th century, West African envoys frequently visited the capitals of the Maghreb, establishing region-wide diplomatic ties. - These intra-African diplomatic interactions challenge the colonial narrative that suggests a separation between "sub-Saharan" Africa and the north, situating both regions within a shared geographical and cultural framework. 6. Continuing Exploration of African Diplomatic History - The connections between West Africa and the Maghreb are explored further in contemporary studies, emphasizing the importance of understanding Africa's diplomatic history as a critical aspect of its overall historical narrative. 7. Conclusion and Further Reading - The history of diplomacy in Africa, particularly the links between West Africa and the Maghreb, illustrates the continent's rich political heritage. Ongoing research and articles continue to shed light on these significant historical relationships. In conclusion, the study of African diplomacy reveals a complex and established tradition that has existed for centuries, fostering relationships and cultural exchanges crucial to the continent's history.
The heroic age in Darfur: a history of the pre-colonial kingdom of Darfur ca. 1500-1916.	The political marginalization of the Darfur region since the creation of colonial Sudan has resulted in one of the continent's longest-standing conflicts, which threatens to destroy the country's social fabric and its historical heritage.	=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers The heroic age in Darfur: a history of the pre-colonial kingdom of Darfur ca. 1500-1916. ======================================================================================== ( Jun 30, 2024 26 The political marginalization of the Darfur region since the creation of colonial Sudan has resulted in one of the continent's longest-standing conflicts, which threatens to destroy the country's social fabric and its historical heritage. Just as the plight of modern Darfur continues to receive little attention, its historical significance in shaping the political landscape of pre-colonial Sudan is equally overlooked. The modern region of Darfur derives its name from the pre-colonial kingdom/sultanate of Darfur, a vast multi-ethic state nearly twice the size of France that flourished for over four centuries between the end of medieval Nubia and the establishment of modern Sudan. As a central authority in the region since the end of the Middle Ages, the kingdom had a direct influence on all facets of life in Darfur's diverse society through the establishment of governance tools and structures, administrative institutions, customs, and traditions that sustained the region's autonomy for centuries. This article explores the history of the Darfur kingdom, its institutions, and its society before its marginalization during the colonial and post-colonial era. _Map of Sudan during the 16th and 18th centuries_, _showing the kingdom of Darfur.( _ * * * Support Sudanese organizations working to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in the country by donating to the community kitchen in Omdurman here: ( or reach out to ( , and follow ( for updates. * * * Background to the rise of Darfur: the kingdoms of Daju and Tunjur Between the 10th and 15th centuries, new political formations emerged among the various Nubian-speaking groups in the semi-arid regions to the west of the Christian-Nubian kingdoms of Makuria and Alodia, which preceded the formation of the kingdoms of Daju and Tunjur. The rulers of the Daju were credited with establishing the first dynasty in the region that later became Darfur, according to most traditional accounts transcribed in later periods. Historians suggest that the Daju are likely to be the 'Tajuwa' in the 12th-century account of al-Idrisi, who located their capital of 'Tajawa' between the kingdoms of Nubia and Kanem. Later accounts from the 13th and 15th centuries by Ibn Sai’d and Al-Maqrizi mention that the ‘Tajuwa/Taju were absorbed by the Kanem empire, and identify them as part of the Zaghawa of Kanem ‘who work with stone’. There are a number of ruined sites with stone structures, palaces, and graves eg Dar Wona and Jebel Kilwa, which are attributed to the Daju, but remain undated.( At the end of the Middle Ages, societies in the region of modern Darfur became part of a broader cultural and political renaissance under Islamic auspices that extended from the Nile valley to the eastern shores of Lake Chad. Much of the available documentary and archeological record of this period comes from the Nubian Nile valley which was controlled by the Funj kingdom after the fall of Christian Nubia. a few fragmentary accounts and traditions relate to the Tunjur kingdom that succeeded the Daju, and laid the foundation for the emergence of the early Darfur state. A religious endowment in Medina by the Tunjur monarchs that's dated to 1576 indicates that the Tunjur rulers were Muslims. However, the institution of Islam coexisted with other pre-existing religious traditions, often associated with sacred hilltop sites and agricultural rites.( The history of the Tunjur is mostly known from traditions and written accounts about its collapse and the formation of the new kingdoms of the 17th century that replaced it, especially Darfur and Wadai, which claim that the Tunjur reportedly forced their subjects to remove the tops of mountains so that their castles could be constructed there.( While this likely exaggerates the Tunjur's coercive power, archeological surveys at the ruined sites of Uri , ‘Ayn Farāh and Dowda have uncovered the remains of these impressive red-brick structures, including palaces, paved roads, cemeteries, and two buildings that could be mosques, that were architecturally similar to elite residences in the Bornu empire, and in the Nile valley. The material culture recovered from these sites was predominantly local in origin, indicating that they were constructed by autochthons, but some of it shares some similarities with that found in the Nubian Nile valley, suggesting contacts between these regions during this period.( The 1582 account of the geographer Lorenzo d’Anania indicates that Tunjur was a large state, noting that _"Uri, a very important city, whose prince is called Nina, or emperor, and who is obeyed by neighbouring countries, namely the kingdom of Aule, Zurla, Sagava \, Memmi \, Musulat \, Morga, Saccae and Dagio \. This prince, who is allied to the Turks, is very powerful and is supplied with arms by merchants from Cairo"_.( _ruins of the 16th century Tunjur capital Ain Fara in DarFur, Sudan, including sections of the mosque, palace, and a reception hall_. Photos by A. J. Arkell, Peter Verney. * * * ( * * * The kingdom of Darfur from the 17th to 18th century. The era of the Tunjur was shortlived, as traditions recorded in the 19th century describe a shift in power from the Tunjur royals to the Keira royals of the Fur-speaking groups through intermarriage that produced the first Darfur king Daali and involved the activities of a _fuqara_ (holy-man/scholar) from the Nubian Nile valley. This description of the change of power from the Tunjur to the Keira condenses a complex history that indicates the existence of a Keira kingdom in Darfur contemporary with the Tunjur between the semi-legendary king Daali and the first historical Darfur sultan Sulayman.( The Keira royal lineage originated from the Kunjara section of the Fur people, who controlled a kingdom in the Jabal Marra that recognized the suzerainty of the Tunjur monarchs and was likely linked to it through intermarriage. There are several ruins at the site of Turra, associated by local tradition with a long line of Keira rulers from Daali upto the sultan Muḥammad Tayrāb (d. 1785), including palaces, tombs and mosques. A dynastic split forced some of the Keira royals eastwards to the region of Kordofan where they formed the kingdom of Musabba‘āt. Others fled to the southern kingdom of Masālīt, before one of them, Sulaymān returned to Jabal Marra.( Sultan Sulaymān is remembered in the traditions as a warrior and conqueror; in one version he is said to have led thirty-three campaigns, subsuming various neighboring kingdoms including the Masālīt, Oro and Marārīt to the west, the Zaghāwa to the north and the Birged, Beigo and Tunjur to the south and east. While most of the campaigns attributed to him were undertaken by his later successors, there is some documentary evidence for an expansionist Darfur in the late 17th century, particularly in the Kordofan region between Darfur and Funj, where a section of the army was reportedly captured by followers of a faqīh Ḥammad b. Umm Maryūm (1646-1729) before he sent them back as missionaries.( Sulayman and his successors reinvigorated the external trade developed by the Tunjur as well as the Islamization of the kingdom's institutions by constructing mosques and inviting scholary families from the Nubian Nile valley and west Africa that were given grants of land and exempted from paying tribute. It’s during this period that Darfur appears in external accounts from 1668 and 1689, with the former account describing _'the land of the Fohr'_ (Fur), as the terminus of an important trade route to Egypt, from where ivory, tamarind, captives, and ostrich feathers were obtained. These commodities would continue to feature in the kingdom’s external trade, although they represented a minor fraction of the domestic trade in agro-pastoral economy.( Firmer documentary evidence for the kingdom's expansion comes from the reign of Aḥmad Bukr (r. 1682-1722), who, according to accounts transcribed in the 19th century, moved his capital (_fashir_) as he campaigned outside Jabal Marra. Aḥmad Bukr conquered the kingdom of Dār Qimr, and formed marital alliances with the various Zaghāwa polities between Darfur and Wadai. This invited retaliation from Sultan Ya‘qūb of Wadai, who invaded Darfur but was later driven back by Aḥmad Bukr's army, which then turned east to campaign in Kordofan where he would later die.( By the time of Bukr’s death about 1730, the Darfur kingdom extended over 360,000 sqkm, bringing its borders closer to equally powerful kingdoms of Funj and Wadai, whose competition with Darfur would dominate the region's political landscape for the next two centuries.( Internal and regional contests for power characterized the reign of Ahmad Bukr’s successors, especially Umar Lel (r. 1732-1739), whose authority was challenged by disgruntled keira royals like his uncle Sulaymān alAbyad. The latter had fled to Kordofan which prompted an attack by Umar Lel, who forced Sulaymān to form an alliance with a group of herders on the Darfur frontier known as the Rizayqāt, who promptly invaded Darfur but were defeated. Umar Lel then attacked Wadai, whose king supported Sulaymān, but the sultan was defeated and imprisoned at the Wadai capital. He was succeeded by Abu’l-Qāsim (r. 1739-1752) who continued the war with Wadai but was abandoned by the nobles and deposed in favor of Muḥammad Tayrāb (r. 1752-1785) who established a fixed capital at El-Fashir, concluded a peace treaty with Wadai and delineated a border between the two kingdoms marked by stone cairns and walls, known as the _tirja_ (barrier).( _interior of the Jadeed al sail mosque built by Sultan Tayrab in 1760 at Shoba, north of El-Fashir_( , photo by Intisar Soghayroun el Zein _ruins of the Shoba mosque and Sultan Tayrab’s Palace_. photos by Andrew McGregor * * * The administrative structure of Darfur: Politics, Land tenure, Military and Society. The political organization of the sultanate evolved as it expanded and as the different sultans and the royal lineage gradually centralized their power at the expense of pre-existing title-holders and lineage heads. At the head of the kingdom's administration was the Sultan (_aba kuuri_) who only came from the Keira royal lineage, and whose installation was often confirmed by the most powerful nobles/titleholders at the capital. Besides the numerous titleholders, the Sultan was also assisted by other royals, most importantly the royal women such as the Queen (_iiya kuuri_), the king's sister (_iiya baasi_) and traditional religious heads, as well as the chosen heir (khalifa), that were later joined by non-royal dependants who populated the king’s capital at El-Fashir.( The sultans were surrounded by a complex and elaborate hierarchy of title-holders numbering several hundred, some of whom were appointed, some hereditary, some territorial, and others were religious figures. These offices, whose titles often included the term _‘abbo’_ or _‘aba’_, (eg the _ába ǎw mang_ and _ába dima’ng_) are too many to list here, but some of the most important among the appointed offices included the _wazīr_, the _maqdūms_ (commissioners), the _jabbayīn_ (tribute collectors), the _takanyāwī_ (the provincial governor in the north), etc( . The basis of administration was the quadrant division into provinces (_dar al-takanawi_ in the north, _dar dali_ in the east, _dar urno_ in the south, and dar diima in the southwest), each under a provincial governor (_aba diimaŋ_), sub-governors (_shartay_), local chiefs (_dimlijs_), and village heads (_eliŋ wakīl_), the first three of whom had their own administrative systems, raised armies for the sultan and sent taxes and tribute at the annual _jalūd al-naḥās_ festival,( According to one 19th century visitor, Gustav Nachitgal, records of taxes and tributes were kept at the Sultan’s palace, along with other government records, and books of laws containing the basic principles of administration( . _Map of the Darfur kingdom’s administrative divisions_ by al-Tunusi, redrawn by Rex O’Fahey. The maghrebian traveler Al-Tūnisī, who lived in Darfur from 1804-1814, and whose account provides much of the documentary record about the kingdom until that date, mentions various small kingdoms on Darfur's frontier, including Mīdawb, Bartī, Birqid, Barqū, Tunjūr, and Mīmah, noting that _“Each of these kingdoms had a ruler called a sultan appointed by the Fur sultan"._( He also describes how the title-holders were granted, in lieu of salary, estates, out of whose revenues they maintained their soldiers and followers. These estates (ḥākūra) developed out of local systems of land tenure, and would later be expressed in the terminology used in the Islamic heartlands when land charters began to be issued by the Darfur sultans in the 17th century.( The control of Land and regulation of its transfer and sale was central to the administration of the kingdom, the rewarding of loyal titleholders, and the integration of foreign scholars. \( \] The ḥākūra system became essential to the maintenance of a privileged class of title-holders, especially at the capital, and the land charters it produced provided the bulk of the surviving documents from pre-colonial Darfur which contain precious information on the kingdom’s official chancery, its legal system and its land tenure. ( _land charter of Darfur king Muhammad al-Fadl to a Zaghawa nobleman's family in Darfur_, ( , _Court transcript of a land dispute_, ( . * * * ( * * * The basis of Darfur's military strength were the levies (_jureŋa_) mobilized by the provincial governors and local chiefs, each under a war leader (_ɔrnaŋ_), who provided soldiers with fighting equipment. However, as the kingdom expanded, the Sultans also raised personal armies to reduce their dependence on the title holders, they thus equipped small units of horsemen and infantrymen with imported arms and armor. An account from 1862, reported that the kingdom’s army consisted of about 3,000 cavalry, of whom 600 to 1,000 were heavily armed, and some 70,000 infantry armed with swords, laces and javelins.( Besides the many sedentary groups that recognized the sultan's authority, the kingdom was surrounded from the east and south by many groups of mobile herders, including the Fulbe, and the Arab-speaking( Messiriya and Rizaigat groups, who were tributaries of the Sultan but not subjects of the kingdom, and often fled south to avoid the armies of Darfur. Tayrāb registered better success in the east, where he defeated the Musabba‘āt king Hashim and brought much of Kordofan under Darfur's control, campaigning as far as Ormdurman.( The kingdom reached its apogee during the reign of Abd Abd al-Raḥmān (r1785-1801) and his son, Muḥammad al-Faḍl (r. 1801-1838). These kings ruled over a vast state which now covered approximately 860,000 sqkm, they consolidated their predecessor's gains, and appointed qadis (_judges_) and scholars (_Fuqara_) as advisors. The kingdom’s domestic economy was largely based on exchanges of agro-pastoral products, textiles, and other crafts between regional markets, as well as larger towns and cities like el-Fashir and Nyala, while its relatively small external trade remained mostly the same as it had been described in the account of 1668 mentioned above.( The kingdom hosted many scholarly families from the Funj region and west Africa and became an important stop point along the pilgrimage route from the west African kingdoms of Bornu and Birgimi. As an inducement to settle, the sultans could offer the _fuqara_ land through the ḥākūra system or tax exemptions, and some of them, eg Alī al-Fūtūwī eventually became involved in the political contents at the capital.( While Darfur is a predominantly Muslim society, the adoption of Islam was gradual and varied, as practitioners of the religion continued to co-exist with other traditional belief systems and practices. In his description of Darfur’s society, Al-tunsi often contrasted it with his home country, especially regarding the role of women, noting that _“the men of Darfur undertake no business without the participation of the women,”_ and that _“In all other matters_ \_, men and women are equal”_( The kingdom's external contacts increased, likely as a consequence of its geographic importance in the pilgrimage route from West Africa and the growth of its local scholarly communities that were linked with Egypt. In 1792, the Darfur Sultan ‘Abd al-Raḥmān sent an embassy to the Ottoman sultan, who replied by awarding him the honorific title _al-rashīd_ (‘the just’) which duly appeared on his royal seals. Abd al-Raḥmān also corresponded with the French general Napoleon during the latter’s brief occupation of Egypt.( _Letter from ʿAbd al-Raḥmān of Darfur to Selim III,._ Cumhurbaşkanliği Osmanli Arşivi, Istanbul_, Letter from ʿAbd al-Raḥmān of Darfur to the ‘sultan of France’ Napoleon Bonaparte_. Service historique de la Défense (Vincennes), gr B6 60, cl. M. Tuchscherer. * * * Darfur in the 19th century During the later half of Muḥammad al-Faḍl's reign, the kingdom lost the province of Kordofan in 1821 to the armies of Muḥammad ‘Alī, the Ottoman governor of Egypt who also invaded the Funj kingdom but failed to expand to Darfur. To the west of the Kingdom, Muḥammad al-Faḍl took advantage of the succession crisis in Wadai by installing one of the rival claimants, Muḥammad al-Sharīf, to claim the throne in exchange for recognizing the suzerainty of Darfur, which was later repudiated. Campaigns against the mobile herders in the north such as the Arab-speaking Maḥāmīd, Mahrīya, ‘Irayqāt, and Zayādīya brought the region under Darfur's control, but campaigns against the herder groups in the south saw limited success.( During the second half of the 19th century, the extension of direct trade routes between the Nile valley and the southern frontier of Darfur during the reign of Muhammad al-Husayn (r. 1838–1873), as well as the restriction of firearm sales from Egypt, gradually undercut some of the sources of the long-distance trade to the kingdom, and forced the sultans to raise taxes on their subjects, which proved unpopular. In the 1860s, militant traders like al-Zubayr Raḥma carved out their own empires in the region by building local alliances and raising armies, often acting independently of their overlords in Egypt.( The reigning sultan Muḥammad al-Ḥusayn (d. 1873) tried to weaken al-Zubayr's confederation by breaking up some of his alliances, prompting a diplomatic conflict with the latter that devolved into war. After the installation of Sultan al-Husayn's son Ibrāhīm, the armies of al-Zubayr advanced into Darfur and fought several battles with the Sultan's armies between November 1873 and October 1874, before the latter capitulated. Al-Zubayr then entered the capital, where he was joined a few days afterward by Ismā‘īl Pasha, who formally incorporated Darfur into the Khedive empire against al-Zubayr's wishes.( Al-Zubayr went to Cairo to protest but was detained by the Khedive’s officers, while the deposed sultans of Darfur retreated into Jabal Marra, where they sought to maintain the Kingdom, with some degree of success. The Ottoman-Egyptians were later expelled by the Mahdist movement in 1881 whose rulers took over much of the Khedive’s territories in modern Sudan, but the Keira sultan ‘Alī Dīnār b. Zakarīya, a son of Sultan Muḥammad al-Faḍl supported the anti-Mahdist forces before he surrendered in 1891 and spent 7 years detained at the court of the Mahdist rulers. After the British invasion of the Mahdist state in September 1898, ‘Alī Dīnār returned to el-Fashir with a group of Fur and other chiefs to Dār Fūr and declared himself sultan.( _Palace of Ali Dinar at El-Fashir_, Sudan. _An embassy from Sultan Ali Dinar in Khartoum, capital of British Sudan_, ca 1907, Quai branly. The newly established colonial government in Sudan had no immediate wish to annex Dār Fūr, and from 1898 to 1916 ‘Alī Dīnār ruled the sultanate, reviving the old administrative system, constructed a palace, regranted the old titles and ḥākūras, and drove back the Arab nomads who had encroached on the settled land during the chaos of the preceding period. Ali Dinar’s relations with the colonial government deteriorated, mainly over the threat of the French colonial expansion from modern Chad, and in 1916, influenced by the Pan-Islamic propaganda of the Turks and the Sanūsīya in Libya, he declared war on the British. Dār Fūr was invaded by the colonial armies which defeated ‘Ali Dīnār’s army at Birinjīya near al-Fāshir and formally incorporated the kingdom into colonial Sudan.( Darfur was largely neglected during the colonial period unlike the riverine regions of Sudan where many of the people of Darfur were compelled to travel for employment and education. This continued into the post-colonial period when the riverine elites inherited the colonial administration and the region’s neglect led to the rise of armed rebellions in the early 2000s.( The government responded to these rebellions by arming local militias (_janjaweed_) drawn from the Arab-speaking nomads, marking the start of a gruesome war that eventually led to the current conflict. << as of writing this article, the old city of ( , despite the brutal siege by the Janjaweed-RSF militia, its defenders consider it too strategically significant to abandon >> Ali Dinar’s palace. Like many of Sudan’s historic monuments in populated centers, the old palace is unlikely to have survived the war. * * * Support Sudanese organizations working to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in the country by donating to the community kitchen in Omdurman here: ( or reach out to ( , and follow ( for updates. * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Map by /u/Redeyedtreefrog2 ( ( The archaeology of Central Darfur (Sudan) in the 1st millennium A.D by Ibrahim Musa Mohammed pg 3-6, The Stone Monuments and Antiquities of the Jebel Marra Region, Darfur, Sudan by Andrew James McGregor pg 34-57 ( The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia By Geoff Emberling, Bruce Williams pg 900-901) ( The Stone Monuments and Antiquities of the Jebel Marra Region, Darfur, Sudan by Andrew James McGregor pg 67-71, 85-87 ( The Stone Monuments and Antiquities of the Jebel Marra Region, Darfur, Sudan by Andrew James McGregor pg 95-121, The archaeology of Central Darfur (Sudan) in the 1st millennium A.D by Ibrahim Musa Mohammed pg 199-202 ( The Stone Monuments and Antiquities of the Jebel Marra Region, Darfur, Sudan by Andrew James McGregor pg 101 ( Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 275-277, Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg \*100-104 \ ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 105-107, In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 73-74 ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 110) ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 109) ( Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 280-282 ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 113-115) ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 116-120, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 283-289 ( The archaeology of Central Darfur (Sudan) in the 1st millennium A.D by Ibrahim Musa Mohammed pg 218 ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 117, 121, 125-127, 133-134, In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 151, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 328-329. ( In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 143-145 ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 135-137, 140-141, In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 120-121, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 324-345. ( Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 272-273 ( In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 118 ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 138-139) ( Land in Dar Fur Charters and related documents from the Dar Fur Sultanate, Translated with an introduction by R. S. O'Fahey, Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 139-140, Land documents in Dār Fūr sultanate (Sudan, 1785–1875): Between memory and archives ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 115-117, 158) ( The ethnonym of ‘Arabs’ in Sudan (and indeed most of Africa below the Sahara) shouldn’t be confused with our modern/western concept of race. for example, Al-Tunisi mentions the people of Darfur “had never seen an Arab before” him, they were curious at his “ruddy” skin color, and thought he was “unripe”, similar to how their neighbors in the kingdom of ( . _see pg 126, In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī_. ( In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 118-119, Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 121-122) ( In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg xix-xx, 100-101, 108, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 290-304. ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 148-151) ( The archaeology of Central Darfur (Sudan) in the 1st millennium A.D by Ibrahim Musa Mohammed pg 227-228, In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg 167-172 ( An Embassy from the Sultan of Darfur to the Sublime Porte in 1791 by A.C.S. Peacock, ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 153-157) ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 158-159, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 306-318. ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 160-161, Sahara and Sudan. Volume Four: Wadai and Darfur Volume: 4 by Gustav Nachtigal; Allan G. B. Fisher, Humphrey J. Fisher, Rex S. O'Fahey pg 321-323. ( In Darfur: An Account of the Sultanate and Its People by Muḥammad al-Tūnisī; R.S. O'Fahey; Humphrey Davies; Kwame Anthony Appiah pg xxii ( Kingdoms of the Sudan by R. S. O'Fahey, J. L. Spaulding pg 164) ( Darfur: Struggle of Power and Resources, 1650-2002, An Institutional Perspective by Yousif Suliman Saeed Takana.	### Title: The Heroic Age in Darfur: A History of the Pre-Colonial Kingdom of Darfur (ca. 1500-1916) #### I. Introduction - The Darfur region, known for its historical significance, has faced political marginalization since the establishment of colonial Sudan. - This marginalization has resulted in one of Africa's longest-standing conflicts, jeopardizing both social cohesion and historical heritage. - The historical relevance of pre-colonial Darfur is often overlooked despite its substantial influence on the political landscape of the region. #### II. Origins of the Kingdom of Darfur 1. Predecessor Kingdoms (10th-15th centuries) - The kingdoms of Daju and Tunjur emerged from Nubian-speaking groups. - Accounts suggest that the Daju established the first dynasty in what later became Darfur. - The Daju's capital was likely located between Nubia and Kanem, as documented by al-Idrisi in the 12th century. - The Tunjur kingdom succeeded the Daju and laid the groundwork for the Darfur state. 2. Cultural and Religious Developments - A cultural and political renaissance occurred in the region under Islamic influences during this historical period. - The Tunjur rulers were known to practice Islam while coexisting with earlier religious traditions. 3. Archaeological Evidence - Ruins at sites like Uri and ‘Ayn Farāh illustrate the architectural and cultural achievements of the Tunjur period. #### III. The Kingdom of Darfur (17th-18th centuries) 1. Transition to Darfur Rule - The Keira royal lineage rose to power through intermarriage with Tunjur royals, leading to the establishment of the first Darfur king, Daali. - Sulayman, a key figure in Darfur's history, expanded the kingdom through military campaigns against neighboring regions. 2. Trade and Islamization - Under Sulayman and subsequent rulers, Darfur developed external trade networks and enhanced the Islamization of governance. - Key trade routes connected Darfur to Egypt, facilitating commerce in ivory, captives, and agricultural products. 3. Military Organization - The kingdom expanded its military, transitioning from reliance on local title holders to establishing a personal army. #### IV. Administrative Structure of the Kingdom 1. Political Organization - The Sultan, who derived authority from the Keira lineage, was assisted by various title holders and royal women. - Complex hierarchy included appointed officials such as the wazīr and provincial governors. 2. Land Tenure and Taxation - The ḥākūra system governed land control and taxation, providing incentives to loyal title holders in exchange for military support. #### V. Darfur in the 19th Century 1. Colonial Encroachment - The kingdom faced territorial losses, notably Kordofan to Muḥammad ‘Alī, the Ottoman governor of Egypt. - Internal conflicts and external pressures from independent traders and military leaders like al-Zubayr challenged Darfurian authority. 2. Sultan Ali Dinar's Rule (1898-1916) - After the Mahdist uprising, Ali Dinar briefly reclaimed the sultanate and attempted to revive the administrative structure. - His declaration of war against British forces in 1916 led to the invasion and subsequent annexation of Darfur by colonial armies. #### VI. Impact of Colonial Rule - Colonial governance led to the neglect of Darfur compared to riverine regions. - Political neglect in the post-colonial period contributed to the rise of armed rebellions in the early 2000s, resulting in ongoing conflict and humanitarian crises. #### VII. Conclusion - The history of Darfur from ca. 1500 to 1916 illustrates a rich yet troubled legacy, shaped by complex political, social, and cultural dynamics. - The political marginalization initiated during colonial times has persisted, continuing to affect the region's stability and heritage today.
Voices of Africa's past: a brief note on the autobiographies of itinerant scholars.	an african description of turn-of-the-century Europe.	=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers Voices of Africa's past: a brief note on the autobiographies of itinerant scholars. =================================================================================== ### an african description of turn-of-the-century Europe. ( Jun 23, 2024 30 Among the most significant works of African literature produced during the pre-colonial era were the autobiographies of itinerant scholars which included descriptions of important social institutions and recorded key events in the continent’s history. The autobiography of the Hausa ethnographer ( during the 19th century. al-Kanawi’s detailed account includes the amount of tuition paid to teachers, the length of time spent at each level of learning, as well as the core curriculum and textbooks used by students across the region. _"al-Sarha al-wariqa fi'ilm al-wathiqa"_ (_The thornless leafy tree concerning the knowledge of letter writing_), by Umaru al-Kanawi. ca. 1877, Kaduna National Archives, Nigeria. The autobiography of the ( provides a first-hand account of the social upheaval in the kingdom brought about by the presence of Portuguese priests and their Catholic converts at the capital. Zara Yacob describes the ideological conflicts between the various political and religious factions, which influenced his radical philosophy that rejected received wisdom in favor of rational proofs. The autobiography of ( includes important information on the scholars who taught him in West Africa before his career as a teacher at the Egyptian College of al-Azhar. The Mathematician lists at least five of his West African teachers whose level of scholarship and intellectual influence contradicts ( . _Folios from a copy of Muhammad al-Kashnāwī's mathematical treatise, titled 'Bahjat al- āfāq', completed on 29th, January 1733_. Bibliothèque nationale de France . The careers of many African scholars often involved traveling between different cities and regions in their capacity as teachers, merchants, or diplomatic liaisons. Umaru al-Kanawi's account documents the conduct of trade along the complex commercial networks that linked the Asante kingdom (in modern Ghana) to the Sokoto empire (in northern Nigeria). Zara Yacob’s description of his flight from Aksum through various localities until the town of Emfraz is a precious first-hand account of asceticism in Gondarine Ethiopia. The travelogue of Muhammad al-Kashnāwī provides one of the earliest internal accounts documenting the journey of West African pilgrims to the cities of the Hejaz. The autobiographies of Africa's itinerant scholars therefore constitute important sources of Africa's past. In the second half of the 19th century, the emergence of scholarly communities in the East African kingdom of Buganda led to the production of some of the most remarkable accounts documenting the voices of Africa's past. In the late 19th century, one of the kingdom's most prolific scholars, Ham Mukasa, wrote an autobiography that documents many key events in the kingdom's history. He also wrote a lengthy travelogue of his journey to England in 1902, describing the various societies and peoples he met along the way in meticulous detail: from the Somali boatmen of Yemen, to the mistreatment of Jewish traders, to the "shameful" dances of the Europeans, to the coronation of king Edward, to medieval torture devices. He met with the Ethiopian envoy Ras Mokonnen, the Chinese prince Chun Zaifeng, the Lozi king Lewanika from Zambia, and Prince Ali of Zanzibar. The autobiography of Ham Mukasa and his travelogue describing turn-of-the-century Europe are the subject of my latest Patreon article. please subscribe to read about it here: ( * * * _Timbuktu, Mali, ca. 1895_, Archives nationales d'outre-mer. * * *	### Voices of Africa's Past: A Brief Note on the Autobiographies of Itinerant Scholars #### Overview of Autobiographies - Significance: The autobiographies of itinerant scholars produced during the pre-colonial era are crucial for understanding African history, as they document social institutions, key events, and individual experiences. - Focus: This note highlights notable works that reflect African perspectives on turn-of-the-century Europe and the complexities of their scholarly journeys. #### Notable Autobiographies 1. Umaru al-Kanawi's Autobiography - Background: A Hausa ethnographer active in the 19th century. - Content: Al-Kanawi's autobiography includes detailed information about: - Tuition fees paid to teachers in his region. - Duration of each educational level. - Core curriculum and textbooks utilized in West African education. - Significance: Provides insight into the educational practices and scholarly values of the time. - Source: _“al-Sarha al-wariqa fi'ilm al-wathiqa”_ (_The thornless leafy tree concerning the knowledge of letter writing_), written around 1877, preserved in the Kaduna National Archives, Nigeria. 2. Zara Yacob's Autobiography - Background: An Ethiopian scholar who discussed his experiences during a period of social upheaval. - Content: His autobiography presents: - The impact of Portuguese priests and their converts on his kingdom. - Ideological conflicts among various political and religious factions. - Significance: Highlights the clash of cultures and the emergence of rational thought challenging traditional beliefs. 3. Muhammad al-Kashnāwī's Accounts - Background: A mathematician who traveled extensively. - Content: - Lists prominent West African teachers who influenced his education. - A detailed travelogue documenting the pilgrimage of West Africans to Hejaz, one of the earliest records of such journeys. - Significance: Emphasizes the intellectual lineage and networks across Africa. #### Trade and Cultural Exchange - Umaru al-Kanawi's Trade Documentation: - Details: His accounts outline trade networks linking the Asante kingdom in modern Ghana to the Sokoto empire in northern Nigeria. - Significance: These records highlight the economic relationships and cultural exchanges within the continent. #### Ham Mukasa's Contributions - Background: A prolific scholar from the East African kingdom of Buganda in the late 19th century. - Autobiography: Documents key historical events in Buganda. - Travelogue (1902): - Details: Provides observations from his journey to England, including: - Encounters with various peoples (e.g., Somali boatmen, Jewish traders). - Critique of European customs and events, such as King Edward's coronation. - Meetings with significant figures, including Ras Mokonnen, Prince Chun Zaifeng, Lewanika of Zambia, and Prince Ali of Zanzibar. - Significance: Offers a unique perspective on European society from an African scholar's viewpoint. #### Conclusion - Importance of Autobiographies: The autobiographies of African itinerant scholars serve as vital resources for understanding the continent’s history, providing personal insights into educational practices, cultural exchanges, and experiences during significant social changes. - Further Reading: A detailed exploration of these themes, particularly Ham Mukasa's autobiography and travelogue, is available in the latest article on Patreon. This structured breakdown presents a clear understanding of the significance of African itinerant scholars and their contributions to documenting history.
A muslim kingdom in the Ethiopian highlands: the history of Ifat and Adal ca. 1285-1520.	During the late Middle Ages, the northern Horn of Africa was home to some of the continent's most powerful dynasties, whose history significantly shaped the region's social landscape.	=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers A muslim kingdom in the Ethiopian highlands: the history of Ifat and Adal ca. 1285-1520. ======================================================================================== ( Jun 16, 2024 22 During the late Middle Ages, the northern Horn of Africa was home to some of the continent's most powerful dynasties, whose history significantly shaped the region's social landscape. The history of one of these dynasties, often referred to as the Solomonids, has been sufficiently explored in many works of African history. However, the history of their biggest political rivals, known as the Walasma dynasty of Ifat, has received less scholarly and public attention, despite their contribution to the region’s cultural heritage. This article outlines the history of the Walasma kingdoms of Ifat and Adal, which influenced the emergence and growth of many Muslim societies in the northern Horn of Africa. _Map of the northern Horn of Africa during the early 16th century.( _ * * * Support AfricanHistoryExtra by becoming a member of our Patreon community, and keep this newsletter free for all: ( * * * Background to the Ifat kingdom: the enigmatic polity of Šawah. Near the end of the 13th century, an anonymous scholar in the northern Horn of Africa composed a short chronicle titled _Ḏikr at-tawārīḫ_ (ie: “the Annals”), that primarily dealt with the rise and demise of a polity called ‘Šawah’ which flourished from 1063 to 1290 CE. The text describes the sultanate of Šawah as comprised of several urban settlements, with the capital at Walalah, and outlying towns like Kālḥwr, and Ḥādbayah, that were controlled by semi-autonomous rulers of a dynasty called the Maḫzūmī.( The author of the _Ḏikr at-tawārīḫ's_ notes the presence of a scholarly elite in Šawah, was aware of the sack of Baghdad in 1258 by the _‘Tatars’_ (Mongols) , and mentions that the state’s judicial system was headed by a _‘qāḍī al-quḍā’_ (ie: “cadi of the cadis”). The text also mentions a few neighboring Muslim societies like Mūrah, ʿAdal, and Hūbat. The information provided in the chronicle is corroborated by a Mumluk-Egyptian text describing an Ethiopian embassy in 1292, which notes that _“Among the kings of Abyssinia is Yūsuf b. Arsmāya, master of the territory of Ḥadāya, Šawā, Kalǧur, and their districts, which are dominated by Muslim kings.”_( The composition of the chronicle of Šawah represents an important period in the emergence of Muslim societies in north-eastern regions of modern Ethiopia, which also appears extensively across the region’s archeological record, where many inscribed tombs, mosques, and imported goods were found dated between the 11th and 15th century, particularly ( . While the towns of Šawah are yet to be found, the remains of contemporaneous Muslim societies were generally urbanized and were associated with long-distance trade that terminated at the coastal city of Zayla. It’s in this context that the kingdom of Ifāt (ኢፋት) emerged under its founder Wālī ʾAsmaʿ (1285–1289), whose state eclipsed and subsumed most of the Muslim polities across the region including Šawā.( _Important polities in the northern Horn during the late middle ages, including the Muslim states of Ifat, Adal, Hadya and Sawah._( * * * The Walasma kingdom of Ifat during the 14th century. In the late 13th century, Wālī Asma established an alliance with Yǝkunno Amlak —founder of the Solomonic dynasty of the medieval Christian kingdom of Ethiopia— acknowledging the suzerainty of the latter in exchange for military support. Wālī ʾAsma’s growing power threatened the last ruler of Šawah; Sultan Dilmārrah, who attempted to appease the former through a marital alliance in 1271. Ultimately, the armies of Wālī Asma attacked Šawah in 1277, deposed its Maḫzūmī rulers, and imposed their power on the whole region, including the polities at Mūrah, ʿAdal, and Hūbat, which were conquered by 1288.( The establishment of the Ifat kingdom coincided with the expansion of the power of the Solomonids, who subsumed many neighboring states including Christian kingdoms like Zagwe, as well as Muslim and 'pagan' kingdoms. By the 14th century, the balance of power between the Solomonids and the Walasma favored the former. The rulers of Ifat were listed among the several tributaries mentioned in the chronicle of the ʿAmdä Ṣǝyon (r. 1314-1344), whose armies greatly expanded the Solomonid state. The Walasma sultan then sent an embassy to Mamluk Egypt’s sultan al-Nasir in 1322 to intercede with Amdä Ṣǝyon on behalf of the Muslims.( It’s during this period that detailed descriptions of Ifat appear in external texts, primarily written by the Mamluks, such as the accounts of Abū al-Fidā' (1273-1331) and later al-Umari in the 1330s. According to al-Fidā' the capital of Ifat was _"one of the largest cities in the Ḥabašā \. There are about twenty stages between this town and Zayla. The buildings of Wafāt are scattered. The abode of royalty is on one hill and the citadel is on another hill"_. Al-Umari writes that Ifat was the most important of the _"seven kingdoms of Muslim Abyssinia._" He adds that _"Awfāt is closest to Egyptian territory and the shores facing Yemen and has the largest territory. Its king reigns over Zaylaʿ; it is the name of the port where merchants going to this kingdom approach."_( The Sultanate of Ifat is the best documented among the Muslim societies of the northern Horn during the Middle Ages, and its archeological sites are the best studied. The account of the 14th-century account of al-Umari and the 15th-century chronicle of Amdä Ṣeyon (r. 1314-1344) both describe several cities in the territory of Ifat that refer to the provincial capitals of the kingdom. These textural accounts are corroborated by the archeological record, with at least five ruined cities —Asbari, Masal, Rassa Guba, Nora, and Beri-Ifat— having been identified in its former territory and firmly dated to the 14th century.( _ruins of the mosques at Beri-Ifat and Nora._( _Location of the archeological sites of Ifat and the kingdom’s center._ The largest archeological sites at Nora, Beri-Ifat, and Asbari had city walls, remains of residential buildings preserved to a height of over 2-3 meters, and an urban layout with streets and cemeteries, set within a terraced landscape. The material culture of the sites includes some imported wares from the Islamic world, but was predominantly local, and included iron rods that were used as currency. Each of the cities and towns possessed a main mosque in addition to neighborhood mosques (or oratories) in larger cities like Nora, built in a distinctive architectural style that characterized most of the settlements in Ifat.( The above archeological discoveries corroborate al-ʿUmarī’s account, which notes that _“there are, in these seven kingdoms, cathedral mosques, ordinary mosques and oratories.”,_ and the city layout of Beri-Ifat is similar to the account provided by al-Fidā', who notes that the capital’s buildings were scattered. The discovery of inscribed tombs of a _“sheikh of the Walasmaʿ”_ of Šāfiʿite school who died in 1364, also corroborates al-Umari's accounts of this school's importance in Ifat, as well as the providing evidence for the origin of the ( _( _ ( .( _Mosque of Ferewanda, part of the city of Beri-Ifat._ _Square house with a wall niche at the site of Nora_ _Tomb T8 near the sultan’s residence close to the mosque of Beri-Ifat. It belongs to sultan al-Naṣrī b. ʿAlī \ b. Ṣabr al-Dīn b. Wālāsma, and is dated Saturday 15 ṣafar 775 h., \_ * * * Trade, warfare, and the decline of Ifat. According to Al-ʿUmarī, the kingdom of Ifat dominated trade because of its geographical position near the coast and its control of Zayla, from where imports of _“silk and linen fabrics"_ were obtained. Later accounts describe trading cities like “Manadeley” where one could _"find every kind of merchandise that there is in the world, and merchants of all nations, also all the languages of the Moors, from Giada, from Morocco, Fez, Bugia, Tunis, Turks, Roumes from Greece, Moors of India, Ormuz and Cairo"_.( Another important trading city of Ifat was Gendevelu, which appears in internal accounts as Gendabelo since the 14th century and likely corresponds to the archeological site of Asbari. External descriptions of the city mention _"caravans of camels unload their merchandise"_ and _"the currency is Hungarian and Venetian ducats, and the silver coins of the Moors."_ While the rulers of Ifat didn’t mint their own coins, most sources note the use of imported silver coins, as well as commodity currencies like cloth and iron rods.( _The main mosque of Asbari._( Much of the political history of Ifat was provided in an internal chronicle titled _'Taʾrīḫ al-Walasmaʿ_ written in the 16th century, as well as an external account by the Mamluk historian al-Maqrīzī in 1438. Both texts describe a major dynastic split in the Walasma family of Ifat that occurred in the late 14th century, between those who wanted to continue recognizing the suzerainty of the Solomonids, and those who rejected it. According to al-Maqrizi, the Solomonids could install and depose the Walasma rulers at will, retain some of the Ifat royals at their court, and often provided military aid to those allied with them.( In the 1370s, sultan Ali of Ifat was aided by the armies of the Ethiopian emperor in fighting a rebellion led by Ali's rival Ḥaqq al-Dīn (r. 1376–1386), who established a separate kingdom away from the capital. After the destruction of the Ifat capital during the dynastic conflict, and the death of Ḥaqq al-Dīn in a war with the Solomonids, his brother Saʿd al-Dīn continued the rebellion but was defeated near Zayla around 1409( . In response to the continuous conflict, the Solomonids formerly incorporated the territories of Ifat, appointed Christian governors who adopted the name Walasmaʿ (in Gǝʿǝz, _wäläšma_), deployed garrisons of their own soldiers, and established royal capitals in Ifat territory.( _The mosque of Jéʾértu_.( * * * The re-establishment of Walasma power in the 15th century until their demise in 1520. After the death of Saʿd al-Dīn, his family took refuge in Yemen, at the court of the Rasūlid sultan Aḥmad b. al-Ašraf Ismāʿil (r. 1400–1424). Saʿd al-Dīn's oldest son, Ṣabr al-Dīn (r. 1415–1422), later came back to Ethiopia, to a place called al-Sayāra, in the eastern frontier of the province of Ifat, where the soldiers who had served under his father joined him. They established a new sultanate, called Barr Saʿd al-Dīn (“Land of Saʿd al-Dīn”) which appears as Adal in the chronicles of the Solomonid rulers, who were by then in control of the territory of Ifat.( Beginning in 1433, the Walasma rulers of Barr Saʿd al-Dīn established their capital at Dakar, which likely corresponds to the ruined sites of Derbiga and Nur Abdoche located near the old city of Harar. They imposed their power over many pre-existing Muslim polities including Hūbat, the city of Zaylaʿ, the Ḥārla region surrounding Harar, and parts of northern Somalia. An emir was appointed by the sultan to head each territory, with the prerogative of levying taxes (ḫarāǧ and zakāt) on the population.( _The Derbiga mosque in 1922_( The Walasma rulers at Dakar reportedly maintained fairly cordial relations with the Solomonids in order to facilitate trade, but wars between their two states continued especially during the reigns of the sultans Ṣabr al-Dīn (r. 1415–1422), Manṣūr (r. 1422–1424), Ǧamāl al-Dīn (r. 1424–1433) and Badlāy (r. 1433–1445). Repeated incursions into 'Adal' by the armies of the Solomonid monarchs compelled some of the former's dependents to pay tribute to the latter, and in 1480, Dakar itself was sacked by the armies of Eskender (r. 1478-1494).( However, by the early 16th century, the armies of the Walasma begun conducting their own incursions into the Solomonid state. The sultan Muḥammad b. Saʿd ad-Dıˉn, who had the longest reign from 1488 to around 1517, is known to have undertaken annual expeditions against the territories controlled by the Solomonids. After the death of Sultan Muḥammad, the kingdom experienced a period of instability during which several illegitimate rulers followed each other in close succession and a figure named Imām Aḥmad rose to prominence.( The tumultuous politics of this period are described in detail by two internal chronicles written during this period. The first one, titled _Taʾrıkh al-Walasmaʿ_, was in favor of Sultan Muḥammad’s only legitimate successor, Sultan Abū Bakr (r. 1518-1526), while the other chronicle, _Taʾrıkh al-muluk_, favored Imām Aḥmad’s camp. Both agree on the shift of the sultanate’s capital from Dakar to the city of Harar in July 1520, but the former text ends with this event while the latter begins with it. This shift marked the decline of Sultan Abū Bakr’s power and was followed by his death at the hands of Imām Aḥmad who effectively became the real authority in the sultanate, while the Walasma lost their authority( . Imām Aḥmad would then undertake a series of campaigns that eventually brought most of the territory controlled by the Solomonids under his control, briefly creating one of Africa’s largest empires at the time, and beginning a new era in the region’s history. _Panorama of Harar and its hinterland in 1944, quai branly_ * * * The ancient coast of East Africa was part of an old trading system linking the Roman world to the Indian Ocean world, with the metropolis of Rhapta in Tanzania being one of the major African cities known to classical geographers. Read more about the ancient East African coast and its links to the Roman world here: ( * * * Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( Map by Matteo Salvadore ( Le Dikr at-tawārīḫ (dite Chronique du Šawā) : nouvelle édition et traduction du Vatican arabe 1792, f. 12v-13r by Damien Labadie, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 93-94) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 94-95) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 95-96) ( Map by Taddesse Tamrat ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 94, 99) ( Ethiopia and the Red Sea The Rise and Decline of the Solomonic Dynasty and Muslim European Rivalry in the Region by Mordechai Abir pg 22-24, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 99-100) ( Le sultanat de l’Awfāt, sa capitale et la nécropole des Walasma by François-Xavier Fauvelle, Bertrand Hirsch et Amélie Chekroun, prg 6, 61-62) ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 106, Le sultanat de l’Awfāt, sa capitale et la nécropole des Walasma by François-Xavier Fauvelle, Bertrand Hirsch et Amélie Chekroun prg 26-28) ( this and all other photos (except where stated) are from the French Archaeological Mission, 2008, 2009, 2010 led by François-Xavier Fauvelle ( Le sultanat de l’Awfāt, sa capitale et la nécropole des Walasma by François-Xavier Fauvelle, Bertrand Hirsch et Amélie Chekroun prg 29-40, 55-59) ( Le sultanat de l’Awfāt, sa capitale et la nécropole des Walasma by François-Xavier Fauvelle, Bertrand Hirsch et Amélie Chekroun prg 63, 77, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 106-107. ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 108-109, 110-111) ( In Search of Gendabelo, the Ethiopian “Market of the World” of the 15th and 16th Centuries by Amélie Chekroun, Ahmed Hassen Omer and Bertrand Hirsch ( photo from the Nora/Gendebelo Program 2009 ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 100) ( Entre Arabie et Éthiopie chrétienne : le sultan walasma‘ Sa‘d al-Dīn et ses fils by Amélie Chekroun ( Le sultanat de l’Awfāt, sa capitale et la nécropole des Walasma by François-Xavier Fauvelle, Bertrand Hirsch et Amélie Chekroun prg 66-73, Ethiopia and the Red Sea The Rise and Decline of the Solomonic Dynasty and Muslim European Rivalry in the Region by Mordechai Abir pg 26-27. ( Notes on the survey of Islamic Archaeological sites in South-Eastern Wallo (Ethiopia) by Deresse Ayenachew and Assrat Assefa ( A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 102 ( Dakar, capitale du sultanat éthiopien du Barr Sa‘d addīn by Amélie Chekroun, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly 108, Harar as the capital city of the Barr Saʿd ad-Dıˉn by Amélie Chekroun pg 27-28 ( photo by Azaïs & Chambard 1931 ( Ethiopia and the Red Sea The Rise and Decline of the Solomonic Dynasty and Muslim European Rivalry in the Region by Mordechai Abir pg 31-32, A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritrea, edited by Samantha Kelly pg 104, Dakar, capitale du sultanat éthiopien du Barr Sa‘d addīn by Amélie Chekroun prg 8) ( Harar as the capital city of the Barr Saʿd ad-Dıˉn by Amélie Chekroun pg 32-33 ( Harar as the capital city of the Barr Saʿd ad-Dıˉn by Amélie Chekroun pg 34-34, Dakar, capitale du sultanat éthiopien du Barr Sa‘d addīn by Amélie Chekroun.	### Title: A Muslim Kingdom in the Ethiopian Highlands: The History of Ifat and Adal ca. 1285-1520 ### Description During the late Middle Ages, northern Horn of Africa experienced the emergence of powerful dynasties, significantly influencing the region's social landscape. This narrative focuses on the less-explored history of the Walasma dynasty of Ifat, which played a crucial role in shaping Muslim societies in the area. --- ### The Historical Context of Ifat and Adal 1. Emergence of Šawah (1063-1290 CE): - An anonymous scholar documented the history of the polity of Šawah in a chronicle titled Ḏikr at-tawārīḫ. - Šawah consisted of urban settlements, with its capital at Walalah and other towns like Kālḥwr and Ḥādbayah governed by semi-autonomous rulers of the Maḫzūmī dynasty. - The chronicles indicate a scholarly elite and a structured judicial system led by a qāḍī al-quḍā’. - The legacy of Šawah represents a foundational period for Muslim societies in the region. 2. Transition to Ifat (Late 13th Century): - Wālī ʾAsmaʿ founded the Ifat kingdom around 1285, ultimately eclipsing Šawah and other Muslim polities by 1288. - An alliance with Yǝkunno Amlak, the Solomonic dynasty founder, was established, recognizing the latter's suzerainty in exchange for military support. 3. Rise and Influence of Ifat (14th Century): - Ifat grew in power and became a significant tributary to the Solomonic dynasty. - The capital was described by Mamluk historians as one of the largest cities in the region, emphasizing its importance in trade and military. - The kingdom's structure and urban layout are confirmed by archaeological findings, which include well-preserved ruins of cities like Beri-Ifat and Nora. 4. Trade and Cultural Exchange: - Ifat's strategic coastal position facilitated control over trade routes, notably through the port city of Zayla, where diverse goods were exchanged. - Accounts from the era describe bustling trade cities, with merchants from various regions converging in Ifat. 5. Dynastic Conflicts and Decline (Late 14th Century): - A major split occurred within the Walasma family regarding loyalty to the Solomonids, leading to internal strife. - Sultan Ali of Ifat received military aid from Ethiopian emperors to quell rebellions, but territorial losses ensued as rival factions emerged. - By the early 15th century, Ifat's political structure weakened, and Solomonids began incorporating its territories. 6. Re-establishment of Walasma Authority (15th Century): - Following political turmoil, the Walasma family reestablished power in a new sultanate called Barr Saʿd al-Dīn after fleeing to Yemen. - This entity expanded influence over pre-existing Muslim polities and fostered trade, despite ongoing conflicts with the Solomonic dynasty. 7. The Rise of Imām Aḥmad and Consolidation of Power (Early 16th Century): - The Walasma sultans faced increasing challenges from Imām Aḥmad, who eventually took control during a period of instability. - Imām Aḥmad's campaigns extended his territory significantly, with the creation of a large empire and the shift of the sultanate's capital from Dakar to Harar in 1520. --- ### Significance The history of Ifat and Adal presents a complex narrative of rivalry, trade, cultural exchange, and the political dynamics of the late medieval Horn of Africa. The interactions between the Walasma dynasty and the Solomonic state shaped the region's trajectory leading into the early modern period. The archaeological evidence and historical records provide critical insight into the societal and cultural fabric of this pivotal era.
a brief note on contacts between ancient African kingdoms and Rome.	finding the lost city of Rhapta on the east African coast.	=========================== #### Discover more from African History Extra All about African history; narrating the continent's neglected past Over 6,000 subscribers a brief note on contacts between ancient African kingdoms and Rome. =================================================================== ### finding the lost city of Rhapta on the east African coast. ( Jun 09, 2024 25 Few classical civilizations were as impactful to the foreign contacts of ancient African states and societies like the Roman Empire. Shortly after Augustus became emperor of Rome, his armies undertook a series of campaigns into the African mainland south of the Mediterranean coast. The first of the Roman campaigns was directed into Nubia around 25BC, ( . While the Roman defeat in Nubia permanently ended its ambitions in this region and was concluded with a treaty between Kush's envoys and the emperor on the Greek island Samos in 21BC, Roman campaigns into central Libya beginning in 20BC were relatively successful and the region was gradually incorporated into the empire. The succeeding era, which is often referred to as '_Pax Romana_', was a dynamic period of trade and cultural exchanges between Rome and the rest of the world, including north-eastern Africa and the Indian Ocean world. The increase in commercial and diplomatic exchanges between Kush and Roman Egypt contributed to the expansion of the economy of Meroitic Kush, which was one of the sources of gold and ivory exported to Meditteranean markets.( By the 1st century CE, Meroe had entered a period of prosperity, with monumental building activity across the cities of the kingdom, as well as a high level of intellectual and artistic production. ( demonstrates the close relationship between the two state’s diplomatic and economic interests. _the shrine of Hathor (also called the 'Roman kiosk') at Naqa, Sudan. ca. 1st century CE_. _It was constructed by the Meroitic co-rulers Natakamani and Amanitore and served as a ‘transitory’ shrine in front of the larger temple of the Nubian god Apedemak (seen in the background). Its nickname is derived from its mix of Meroitic architecture (like the style used for the Apedemak temple) with Classical elements (like the decoration of the shrine’s columns and arched windows). The Meroitic inscriptions found on the walls of the shrine indicate that it was built by local masons who were likely familiar with aspects of the construction styles of Roman-Egypt or assisted by a few masons from the latter._( * * * ( * * * The patterns of exchange and trade that characterized _Pax Romana_ would also contribute to the expansion of Aksumite commercial and political activities in the Red Sea region, which was a conduit for the lucrative trade in silk and spices from the Indian Ocean world as well as ivory from the Aksumite hinterland. At the close of the 2nd century, the armies of Aksum were campaigning on the Arabian peninsula and the kingdom’s port city of Adulis had become an important anchorage for merchant ships traveling from Roman-Egypt to the Indian Ocean littoral. These activities would lay the foundation for the success of ( . _Dungur Palace, Aksum, Ethiopia - Reconstruction, by World History Encyclopedia._ _This large, multi-story complex was one of several structures that dominated the Aksumite capital and regional towns across the kingdom, and its architectural style was a product of centuries of local developments. The material culture of these elite houses indicates that their occupants had access to luxury goods imported from Rome, including glassware, amphorae, and Roman coins._( The significance of the relationship between Rome and the kingdoms of Kush and Aksum can be gleaned from Roman accounts of world geography in which the cities of Meroe and Aksum are each considered to be a '_Metropolis_' —a term reserved for large political and commercial capitals. This term had been used for Meroe since the 5th century BC and Aksum since the 1st century CE, since they were the largest African cities known to the classical writers( . However, by the time Ptolemy composed his monumental work on world geography in 150 CE, another African city had been elevated to the status of a Metropolis. This new African metropolis was the city of Rhapta, located on the coast of East Africa known as _‘Azania’_, and it was the southernmost center of trade in a chain of port towns that stretched from the eastern coast of Somalia to the northern coast of Mozambique. The history of the ancient East African coast and its links to the Roman world are the subject of my latest Patreon article. Please subscribe to read about it here: ( * * * _Fresco with an aithiopian woman presenting ivory to a seated figure (Dido of Carthage) as a personified Africa overlooks_, from House of Meleager at Pompeii, MAN Napoli 8898, Museo Archaeologico Nazionale, Naples Thanks for reading African History Extra! for free to receive new posts and support my work. ( The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilization pg 461-465, 398), The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient Nubian Art pg 466-467 ( Hellenizing Art in Ancient Nubia 300 BC–AD 250 and its Egyptian Models: A Study in “Acculturation” by László Török pg 301-308 ( Foundations of an African Civilization: Aksum & the Northern Horn By D. W. Phillipson pg 121-125, 197-200 ( Aksum and Nubia: Warfare, Commerce, and Political Fictions in Ancient Northeast Africa By George Hatke pg 29, Foundations of an African Civilization: Aksum & the Northern Horn By D. W. Phillipson pg 121	### Brief Note on Contacts between Ancient African Kingdoms and Rome #### Overview of Roman Expeditions into Africa 1. Initial Roman Campaigns (25 BC): - Shortly after Augustus became emperor, Roman forces launched military campaigns into Africa, first targeting Nubia. - The Roman campaign in Nubia ended in defeat, leading to a treaty established in 21 BC between Kushite envoys and the Roman emperor on the island of Samos. 2. Success in Central Libya (20 BC): - In contrast to the Nubian campaign, Roman efforts in central Libya were more successful, resulting in the gradual incorporation of this region into the Roman Empire. #### The Era of Pax Romana 3. Trade and Cultural Exchange: - The era known as Pax Romana was marked by an increase in trade and cultural exchanges between Rome and northeastern Africa. - The economic relationship between Kush and Roman Egypt flourished, enhancing Meroitic Kush’s economy, which was a vital source of gold and ivory for Mediterranean markets. 4. Prosperity of Meroe (1st Century CE): - By the 1st century CE, Meroe experienced significant prosperity characterized by monumental architecture and a flourishing of intellectual and artistic endeavors. #### Architectural Significance 5. The Shrine of Hathor (Naqa, Sudan): - Constructed in the 1st century CE by Meroitic co-rulers Natakamani and Amanitore, this shrine symbolizes the blend of Meroitic and Classical architectural styles. - Notable features include Meroitic inscriptions and construction techniques that reflect cultural exchanges with Roman Egypt. #### Expansion of Aksumite Influence 6. Aksumite Trade Activities: - The pattern of trade during Pax Romana also facilitated the expansion of Aksumite influence in the Red Sea region. - Aksum became a key player in the trade of silk, spices, and ivory, with its port city Adulis serving as a crucial anchorage for merchant ships. 7. Material Culture in Aksum: - Aksumite elite houses indicated access to luxury Roman imports such as glassware and coins, reflecting the kingdom's economic connections with Rome. #### Recognition of Meroe and Aksum 8. Roman Geography and Cities: - Roman accounts from the 1st century CE recognized Meroe and Aksum as 'Metropolises,' denoting their significance as major political and commercial centers in Africa. #### The Emergence of Rhapta 9. Discovery of Rhapta (2nd Century CE): - By 150 CE, Ptolemy identified Rhapta as another significant African metropolis, located on the East African coast. - Rhapta served as the southernmost trade center in a network of port towns, facilitating commerce between the eastern African coast and other regions, including the Indian Ocean. ### Conclusion - The ancient African kingdoms of Kush and Aksum established substantial trade and cultural ties with the Roman Empire, contributing to their political and economic development. - Rhapta's recognition as a metropolis illustrates the importance of East Africa in the broader context of ancient trade networks, further emphasizing the interconnectedness of the ancient world.

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African History

A collection of data on the history of mankind • 7 items • Updated 23 days ago • 1