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Social dominance theory The meaning and role of ‘social dominance orientation’ (SDO), the trait variable that dominates the research, are rendered problematic by a growing amount of evidence (see Schmitt, Branscombe, & Kappen, 2003, hereafter SBK; Wilson & Liu, 2003, hereafter WL); 4. The BA hypothesis (in which subordinate groups support the hierarchy which oppresses them to the same extent as dominant groups) has already been demonstrably falsified (leading to the unacknowledged adoption of SIT to explain the conditions under which low-status groups will accept or reject the status quo and favour or derogate the dominant group); 5. The hypothesis of ‘ideological asymmetry’ (IA), supposedly an aspect of BA, is in fact patently inconsistent with it and illustrates that attitudes to dominance hierarchies and group inequalities are a function of one’s group identity, interests and position in the social structure rather than any invariant biological drive, just as realistic conflict and social identity theories would expect; 6. That SDT is both reductionist and philosophically idealist in that it seeks to derive all political ideologies, intergroup relations and indeed the whole social structure from one psychological drive or, in the theory’s weaker but no less implausible form, one attitude (SDO), abstracted, reified and distorted to stand for some hard-wired original sin of biology (‘the beast within’) | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Social dominance theory Whereas, in fact, intergroup attitudes are not prior to but follow from social structure; they follow from the beliefs, theories and ideologies which groups develop to make sense of their place in the social structure and the nature of their relationships with other groups. SDO is a product of social life rather than an underlying cause. Lui and Wilson (2010), conducted research to further examine the role of gender in comparison to levels of social dominance orientation. The study conducted two tests looking at the relationship between gender-social dominate orientation and if it's moderated by strength of gender group identification and found, "strength of gender identification was found to moderate the gender‐SDO relationship, such that increasing group identification was associated with increasing SDO scores for males, and decreasing SDO for females." Therefore this study raised questions about gender as group membership and if it's a different status compared to other group memberships, possibly undermining the theoretical basis of SDT. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8377605 | Social dominance theory |
Phone sex is a conversation between two or more people on the phone which is sexually explicit and is intended to provoke sexual arousal in one or more participants. As a practice between individuals temporarily separated, it is as old as dial telephones, on which no operator could eavesdrop (early 20th century). In the later 20th century businesses emerged offering, for a fee, sexual conversations with a phone sex worker. The remainder of this article deals with these paid phone sex services. takes imagination on both parties' part; virtual sex is difficult if the operator does not put the images in the head of the caller and the caller must be open to the pleasure as well. The sexually explicit conversation takes place between two or more persons via telephone, especially when at least one of the participants masturbates or engages in sexual fantasy. conversation may take many forms, including: guided fantasy, sexual sounds, narrated and enacted suggestions, sexual anecdotes and confessions, candid expression of sexual fantasies, feelings, or love, or discussion of very personal and sensitive sexual topics. Once means of transmitting payment were developed, phone sex turned into primarily a commercial activity, with customers (overwhelmingly male) and sellers (overwhelmingly female). does not involve physical contact between those participating in it. Couples may choose to engage in phone sex when the inconvenience of distance makes physical intimacy impossible | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex Due to the potential for emotional intimacy between those who have engaged in phone sex, it is a matter of some debate whether phone sex is to be considered infidelity when involving a person outside of a committed personal relationship. Nevertheless, phone sex should not be confused with prostitution wherein money is exchanged for in-person sexual services or physical interaction. The editor of "High Society" magazine, Gloria Leonard, is credited with being one of the first people to use "976 numbers", then "900 numbers" for promotional purposes and soon as a revenue stream in the adult industry. Leonard recorded her own voice informing callers of the contents of the next issue of "High Society" magazine before its publication. Later she recorded others such as Annie Sprinkle "talking sexy". Leonard convinced magazine owner Carl Ruderman to purchase more of these numbers and the business began to be successful using the magazine to promote the service. Leonard herself was surprised at the success of these numbers. Originally phone sex services consisted of a managed network of dispatchers (live or automated) and erotic performers. Performers would come to a studio where they received a cubicle, coaching, and cash incentives to keep callers on the line longer. This is the world portrayed in Spike Lee's movie about phone sex, Girl 6. At that time independent phone sex was more dangerous, as Lee's movie portrays | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex With the progress of technology it became more practical, convenient, and economical for providers to work out of their homes. Human dispatchers — female, except for gay male phone sex — answered the advertised phone numbers, processed payment via credit card, chose who of the available performers in the dispatcher's judgment best matched the clients' fantasy (grandma, black girl, college girl, etc.), and connected the client with the provider. The caller could not see the performer's number. Either could hang up, though some services put economic pressure on providers not to do so. Originally, per-minute billing was provided by phone companies (in the U.S., using 976, then 900 numbers). There was, from some services, an attempt to keep the caller aroused but short of orgasm, so he would spend more money. (This attitude still survives among some providers.) When public (mostly female) pressure forced the phone companies to stop providing this service to sex workers, a transition was made to a manual method: pre-paid blocks of time, 10, 30, 60 minutes, whatever the customer would pay for. The incentives for providers were then reversed; rather than earning money from keeping the customer on the line (orgasm delayed), they earned more from bringing the caller to orgasm quickly, so as to move on rapidly to another call. Unused minutes were rarely usable on a second call. The provider provided (say) 10 minutes of service, but got to keep all of the money (say 20 minutes) | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex When the Internet got relatively mature, sale of any sexual service not involving a minor could be made to anyone not a minor. Software platforms were custom written to handle money collection and transfer, connecting caller and sex worker though neither could see anything but the platform's phone number, and metering the connection. Details vary significantly from one platform to another, but the provider may be given a personal page on the platform to use however she (sometimes he) wishes. All have some way for a provider to post a picture and some text. Big platforms as of 2016 are Niteflirt, TalktoMe, and My Phone Site; the latter also includes provision by which a manager, with the consent of the providers, could have a virtual shop with many providers under them. Foreign (non-US) customers were courted. Customers had a variety of payment options, and pages of providers to choose from, sometimes with voice samples available. In concept they have a lot in common with platforms such as eBay: the seller provides the picture(s), description, and sets the price, a percentage of which is kept by the platform. In the sex industry, similar platforms emerged facilitating the selling of used panties and other odoriferous garments, and for "cam" video sessions, in which the customer, for a fee, can direct the woman on the video screen, and for a higher fee, have a private connection (no one can see caller or provider except each other) | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex By the end of the 1980s, nearly all of the major local phone companies in the United States, plus the major long-distance carriers, were actively involved in the adult chat line business. The telephone companies would provide billing services for chat line companies. Typically the telephone companies would bill callers to chat lines and then remit 45% of the money collected to chat line operators. The telephone companies placed the chat line charges on a customer's local phone bill. If a customer disputed a charge, the telephone company would usually “forgive” the charge but block the caller from calling any other chat lines. In 1988, the American phone sex industry generated an estimated $54 million annually (for both producers and telecommunications providers), according to the Information Industry Bulletin. By 2007 only Verizon, Sprint and AT&T remained in the chat line business in the U.S. By 2007 Verizon and MCI had merged and only a few chat line companies remained active as a result. Verizon provided billing services to calls made in Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Maine. AT&T and MCI offered nationwide collection services, with a cap of $50 per call. In 2002 profits from phone sex were estimated at one billion dollars a year. In 2007 the group Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington estimated that phone sex earned U.S. telephone companies close to $500 million per year | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex The vast majority of modern services in the United States use toll-free numbers whereby clients can dial up to request a call with a particular performer using credit cards, ACH Network systems, and a variety of other billing methods. There are still some services that rely upon premium-rate telephone numbers (e.g., 976 and 900 numbers) for billing purposes, although this practice has been largely abandoned due to the high rate of fraud associated with these lines and the inability to dial 900 and 976 lines from cellular phones. As a direct result, most telephone companies allow their customers to block outgoing calls to premium-rate telephone numbers. In 1996, the FCC changed regulations on 900 numbers to address abuse of these services by minors and fraud concerns. Independent phone sex operators engage in self-promotion. This self-promotion can involve a personalized website where the phone sex performer lists their specialties and services, engaging prospects in social media, various methods of advertising (via the traditional methods listed below, or on organized third-party network sites that provide a basic level of privacy for performer and client alike) or surfing of sexually themed chat rooms for interested clients. service providers typically advertise their services in men's magazines, in pornographic magazines and videos, on late-night cable television, and online | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex Some phone sex services use state-of-the-art customer acquisition techniques such as active database marketing to reach potential clients. These advertising methods almost invariably target men, the primary consumers of phone sex services. The major phone sex and adult chat lines spend millions of dollars in advertising every month. Thanks to technology, their marketing departments can track the effectiveness of their advertising campaigns by assigning unique phone numbers to each advertising campaign, regardless if it includes TV, print, online or a combination of all these. Unique numbers might either be toll-free 1-800 numbers or local access numbers in order to accommodate callers who have been targeted in a local advertising campaign. services will usually list all the local numbers on their websites. Assigning unique phone numbers to each advertising channel allows phone chat companies to measure not only the number of calls that each channel generates but also the price per call, conversion rate, and return on investment. This information can be further analyzed to determine key insights such as the most and least profitable caller's demographics, best and worst times to advertise and ultimately which advertising channels to invest more in and which ones to cut. lines appeared in the UK in the 1980s using premium-rate telephone numbers for adult services with sexual content, with many of the lines playing tape recordings | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex The phone sex market in the UK is closely linked to the pornographic magazine market, and advertising for such services often provides a vital element of a magazine's revenue. Up to a quarter of the page length of some magazines may be devoted to such advertisements. Advertising in newspapers, which had been common in the 1980s, was ended as a result of regulatory changes in 1994 which restricted advertisements to top-shelf adult magazines. At the same time rules were introduced requiring the user to pro-actively opt-in by requesting a pin number. This dramatically reduced the number of calls, and the proportion of the income generated by premium-rate telephone numbers which was associated with adult services fell from 18% in 1992 to 1% in 1996. During the 1990s many companies began to re-route their traffic abroad in an attempt to circumvent the regulations. The industry took to operating from 40 countries worldwide, commonly Guyana and the Caribbean. In 1995 the income generated in this way was $2 billion. The regulations also led to an increase in the use of live call-back services paid by credit cards, which did not fall under the regulator's jurisdiction because they did not use premium-rate numbers. By 2009 the proportion of the UK population that had used phone sex lines was 45%, according to a survey by Durex. By 2013 there were over 2,000 phone sex companies in the UK | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex Most phone sex workers are recruited through word of mouth or the internet as the companies are widely forbidden from advertising in mass media. The number of female university students working for phone sex lines in the UK doubled between 2011 and 2013, according to a BBC-commissioned investigation. The industry's regulatory body Phone-paid Services Authority (formerly ICSTIC and PhonePayPlus) monitors and enforces specific community standards in terms of content and price for premium rate numbers. The legality of phone sex businesses was challenged by the U.S. Federal government in July 1988 with the passage of the Telephone Decency Act, which made it a crime to use a "telephone ... directly or by recording device" to make "any obscene or indecent communication for commercial purposes to any person," punishable by a $50,000 fine or six months in prison." At the time the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) was responsible for policing 900 numbers for obscenity and indecency. Sable Communications of California filed suit against the FCC in federal court to overturn the Telephone Decency Act. On July 19, 1988, U.S. District Judge A. Wallace Tashima ruled that "the prohibition against 'indecent speech' on 900-number recordings was unconstitutional, though its ban on 'obscene speech' could stand." On June 23, 1989, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that obscene speech, even in commercial telephone calls, was not protected, though indecent speech was | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Phone sex Justice Byron White wrote for the high court's majority A phone sex worker is a type of sex worker, sometimes referred to as a "phone sex operator", "fantasy artist", "adult phone entertainer", "audio erotic performer", as well as various other monikers. The most valued attributes of a phone sex professional are his or her voice, acting and sexual roleplay skills, along with the experienced ability to discern and respond appropriately to a broad spectrum of customer requests. Several online companies provide Internet-based phone sex lines. These services enable callers to post profiles of themselves and then engage in VOIP-based and other types of online sex. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8387128 | Phone sex |
Bernard Yack (born 1952) is a Canadian born American political theorist. He received his B.A. from the University of Toronto and his Ph.D. in Philosophy from Harvard University, where he was a student of Judith Shklar. Yack has taught at numerous universities including Princeton University, & the University of Wisconsin, Madison. He is the author of works of political and social philosophy such as "The Problems of a Political Animal", and "The Longing for Total Revolution: The Philosophic Sources of Social Discontent from Rousseau to Marx and Nietzsche". His most recent book is entitled "Nationalism and the Moral Psychology of Community". He is currently the Lerman Neubauer Professor of Democracy and Public Policy at Brandeis University. Yack, Bernard. Nationalism and the Moral Psychology of Community. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012. Yack, Bernard. The Fetishism of Modernities: Epochal Self-Consciousness in Contemporary Social and Political Thought. University of Notre Dame Press, 1997. Yack, Bernard. Liberalism without Illusions: Essays on Liberal Theory and the Political Vision of Judith N. Shklar. University of California Press, 1996. Yack, Bernard. The Problems of a Political Animal: Community, Conflict, and Justice in Aristotelian Political Thought. University of California Press, 1993. Yack, Bernard. The Longing for Total Revolution: Philosophic Sources of Social Discontent from Rousseau to Marx and Nietzsche. Princeton University Press, 1986. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8388234 | Bernard Yack |
Kavod HaBriyot Kevod HaBeriyot (; literally in Hebrew: "honor [of/due to] the [God's] creations (human beings)" also variously translated as "individual dignity", "individual honor", or "human dignity" (in a specifically Talmudic sense which may or may not be the same as the secular concept of human dignity)) is a concept of Halakha (Jewish law) originating in the Talmud which permits exceptions to Rabbinic decrees under certain circumstances. This concept has been used in a number of contemporary Jewish religious-law decisions in Orthodox and Conservative Judaism. The nature and scope of the concept is a matter of contemporary dispute. Kevod HaBeriyot is mentioned in the Babylonian Talmud in Berakhot 19b; Shabbat 81b, 94b; Eruvin 41b; and Megillah 3b. The term "Kevodo" (his dignity) is used in Beitzah 36b. The Tannaim (rabbis of the Mishnah) and the Amoraim (rabbis of the Talmud) applied the concept of "Kevod HaBriyot" in their interpretations of and rulings on halakhah (Jewish law). The Mishnah explains the importance of the concept as follows: The Rabbis of the Talmud, when they enacted rabbinic decrees, sometimes limited the scope of those decrees to avoid situations when complying with them might lead to a situation they considered undigified and referred to the concept of "kevod habriyot" as the basis for doing so | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot For example, carrying across a private property line is prohibited by a rabbinic prohibition (See eruv), but the Talmud records that the Rabbis created an exception for carrying up to three small stones if needed for wiping oneself in a latrine on the basis of "kevod habriyot" (Shabbat 81b, 94b). Similarly, the rabbis enacted a prohibition on a Kohen from approaching a coffin or graveyard to ensure that the Biblical prohibition on contact with the dead would not be inadvertently violated, but permitted a Kohen to violate this rabbinic prohibition in order to greet a king, again appealing to the principle of "kevod habriyot" as the basis of this exception (Berachot 19b). Tractate Beitzah records that the rabbis created an exception of the rabbinic prohibition on creating even temporary structures on Shabbat or major Jewish holidays (to safeguard the Biblical prohibition against building permanent structures) to permit a person alone in a field to align stones to create a temporary latrine, because of "kevodo" ("his dignity) (Beitzah 36b). Although the Rabbis of the Talmud created limited exceptions to their own enactments to prevent indignities, they held that they do not have authority to create exceptions to Divine law recorded in the written Tanakh or received as Oral law in the form of Halakha LeMoshe MiSinai. Berachot 19b records a discussion in which a tradition that rabbis have such authority was explicitly considered but rejected | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot The Shulkhan Arukh, a seminal code of Jewish law, used a dramatic example to illustrate its holding that "kevod habriyot" does not override Biblical prohibitions. It held that an observant Jew who becomes aware of Biblically prohibited clothing should remove it immediately even if it leaves a colleague naked in a public place, illustrating that biblical prohibitions trump even strong considerations of modesty and even great public embarrassment. The Halakha in the Shulkhan Arukh goes according to Rav: Shulkhan Arukh, Yoreh De'ah 303:1 "[That it is] Permissible to remove "kilayim" from [his] friend even in [the] marketplace: Mishpat Ivri expert Menachem Elon, in his Encyclopaedia Judaica article on "Takkanot" emphasized the importance of Kevod HaBriyot: In the Encyclopaedia Judaica article on "Honor" Rabbi Louis Isaac Rabinowitz wrote that "So great was 'the honor of God's creatures' regarded that 'God has regard to the dignity of His creatures' (Sif. Deut. 192) and honor annuls even a negative commandment of the Bible (Ber. 19b), especially the honor of the community (TJ, Ber. 3:1, 6a)." Most classical poskim, however, maintained in accordance with the opinion in the Talmud that "Kevod HaBriyot" can only justify overriding rabbinic restrictions. The reference to "annulling a negative commandment of the Bible" refers only to the commandment "lo tasur", in other words the command to observe rabbinic restrictions, so the Talmud is in fact saying the same thing but in a deliberately paradoxical way | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot Rabbi Immanuel Jakobovits held that because the principle of "kevod habriyot" reflects a perspective on values requiring a respect for life, Jewish law prohibits euthanasia. Rabbi Eliezer Waldenberg held that wearing a hearing aid on Shabbat represents a modern analogy to classically permitted activities such as carrying stones and hence the principle of "kevod habriyot" overrides the rabbinic prohibitions involved and renders it permitted. Modern Orthodox rabbi Daniel Sperber held that the principle of "kevod habriyot" permits women to be called to a Torah reading in a synagogue service (See support for partnership minyanim). R. Sperber's responsum addressed the traditional view that "halachah" in principle permits a woman to be called but the "honour of the congregation" forbids it. In R. Rabbi Sperber's view, "kevod habriyot", the "honour of the individual", can override the honor of the congregation in much the same way that it had been interpreted to override other rabbinic prohibitions. R. Sperber's view has been a controversial one within Orthodox Judaism and has not gained widespread acceptance. Rabbi Aryeh A. Frimer, author of a number of scholarly works on the status of women in Orthodox halakha including "Women and Minyan", wrote a critique of Rabbi Sperber's arguments which he entitled ""Lo Zu haDerekh:" A Review of Rabbi Prof. Daniel Sperber's "Darka shel Halakha" | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot In Rabbi Frimer's view, the concept of "kevod habriyot" can override rabbinic prohibitions under relatively narrow circumstances caused by external factors such as excrement or nakedness, but cannot override a rabbinic prohibition in its entirety. He argued that a rabbinic decree cannot itself be regarded shameful or embarrassing, and that to permit a rabbinic decree to be characterized as an embarrassment would give anyone carte blanche to abrogate any Rabbinic prohibition simply by saying "This offends me." He said "in those cases where acting according to "halakha"...creates the embarrassment, then kevod ha-beriyyot cannot set aside the Rabbinic prohibition. One should be proud to be fulfilling the "halakha".". A more complete and extensively documented presentation of Rabbi Frimer's position has appeared. In December 2006, Conservative Judaism's Committee on Jewish Law and Standards discussed the Conservative understanding of the concept of "kevod habriyot" as applied to the CJLS's decisionmaking in a series of decisions on the Conservative understanding of Jewish law on the subject of homosexuality. A majority of the Committee voted to adopt two very different responsa under its philosophy of pluralism. The two responsa based their different conclusions in part on different understandings of the concept of "kevod habriyot" Rabbis Dorff, Nevins, and Reisner wrote a responsum which supported liberalizing Conservative Judaism's view of homosexual behavior | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot They held that rabbinic prohibitions against homosexual behavior are inconsistent with human dignity as society now understands it. They argued that the Conservative understanding of the principle of "Kevod habriyot" includes general society's evolving understanding of human dignity and that the rabbinic prohibitions involved were inconsistent with human dignity thus understood. Citing R. Daniel Sperber's view that rabbinic prohibitions can be negated by the "kevod habriyot" principle, the responsum declared all rabbinic prohibitions restricting homosexual activity lifted. Finding that the principle of "kevod habriyot" could only override rabbinic and not Biblically mandated restrictions, the responsum left in place what it found to be the only Biblically mandated restriction involved, a prohibition on male-male anal sex. Rabbi Joel Roth wrote a responsum which supported maintaining traditional restrictions on homosexual behavior, which was also adopted by a majority of the Committee on Jewish Law and Standards. The responsum analyzed the principle of "kevod habriyot" and held that the rule only permits overriding rabbinic injunctions out of honor or respect for someone else, but not out of one's own honor. Rabbi Roth argued that the idea that a person's own honor (as distinct from giving honor to someone else) could justify overriding a rabbinic injunction was not only inconsistent with a fair reading of the history of the concept, but theologically unjustifiable | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
Kavod HaBriyot The responsum argued that the principle behind "kevod habriyot" is the idea that a person can honor God by honoring others, and that this principle does not apply in cases where one's own honor, as distinct from others' honor, is at stake. It held that overriding a rabbinic prohibition because of one's own sense of personal dignity or self-honor would be tantamount to considering one's own honor as more important than God's in matters between oneself and God. The responsum also found the Biblically mandated restrictions involved to be more extensive in scope. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8408785 | Kavod HaBriyot |
History of fair trade The fair trade movement has undergone several important changes since its early days following World War II. Fair trade, first seen as a form of charity advocated by religious organizations, has radically changed in structure, philosophy and approach. The past fifty years have witnessed massive changes in the diversity of fair trade proponents, the products traded and their distribution networks. Fair trade principles have deep roots in European societies long before the first structured alternative trading organizations (ATOs) emerged following World War II. Many of the fundamental concepts behind fair trade actually show a great resemblance with pre-capitalist ideas about the organization of the economy and society. The notion of the ‘old moral economy’ is a fitting example of such conceptions. E. P. Thompson, in his work on 18th century England, described a society where "notions of common well being, often supported by paternalistic traditional authorities, imposed some limits on the free operations of the market". Farmers were then not allowed to manipulate prices by withholding their products to wait for price increases. The actions of the middlemen were always considered legally suspect, were severely restricted and the poor were provided opportunities to buy staple foods in small parcels. Fair trade was already seen as a way to address market failures; although the concept mainly revolved around consumer, rather than producer, rights | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade In 1827 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, a moral and economic boycott of slave-derived goods began with the formation of the "Free Produce Society", founded by Thomas M'Clintock and other abolitionist members of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers). In the Free produce movement, they sought to fight against slavery with a new tactic, one that emphasized the value of the honest labor of free men and women, and to try to determine the unseen added costs to goods such as cotton and sugar which came from the toil of slaves. In 1830, African Americans formed the "Colored Free Produce Society", and women formed their own branch in 1831. In 1838, supporters from a number of states came together in the American Free Produce Association, which promoted their cause by seeking non-slave alternates to products from slaveholders, forming non-slave distribution channels, and publishing a number of pamphlets, tracts, and the journal "Non-Slaveholder". The movement did not grow large enough to gain the benefit of the economies of scale, and the cost of "free produce" was always higher than competing goods. The national association disbanded in 1847, but Quakers in Philadelphia continued until 1856. There have been a few instances in which fair trade in the 'old moral economy' was focused on producer rights: as early as 1859, Dutch author Multatuli (the pen name of Eduard Douwes Dekker) questioned the injustice of the colonial and capitalist system towards commodity producers in his novel "Max Havelaar" | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade The fictional tale recounts the story of Max Havelaar, a Nederlandse Trade Company employee, who leaves everything to work in solidarity with local Indonesian workers. This account draws a direct correlation between the wealth and the prosperity of Europe and the poverty of the suffering of other parts of the world. In 1897 The Salvation Army launched the Hamodava Tea Company. Hamodava pioneered a fair trade model which sought to pay fair prices to the tea farmers, whilst also offering a scheme by which they could purchase plantation land on a co-operative giving them financial independence. The fair trade movement was shaped in the years following World War II. Early attempts to commercialize in Northern markets goods produced by marginalised producers were initiated by religious groups and various politically oriented non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The Mennonite Central Committee (MCC) and SERRV International were the first, in 1946 and 1949 respectively, to develop fair trade supply chains in developing countries. The products, almost exclusively handicrafts ranging from jute goods to cross-stitch work, were mostly sold by volunteers in 'charity stores' or 'ethnic shops'. The goods themselves had often no other function than to indicate that a donation had been made. The modern fair trade movement was shaped in Europe in the 1960s | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade Fair trade during that period was often seen as a political gesture against neo-imperialism: radical student movements began targeting multinational corporations and concerns that traditional business models were fundamentally flawed started to emerge. The global free market economic model came under attack during that period and fair trade ideals, built on a Post Keynesian economics approach to economies where price is directly linked to the actual production costs and where all producers are given fair and equal access to the markets, gained in popularity. The slogan at the time, "Trade not Aid", gained international recognition in 1968 when it was adopted by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) to put the emphasis on the establishment of fair trade relations with the developing world. In 1965 the first ATO was created: British NGO Oxfam launched "Helping-by-Selling", a program which later developed into Bridge. The scheme sold imported handicrafts in Oxfam stores in the United Kingdom and from mail-order catalogues with a circulation of almost 100,000 copies. The program was created to support the work of cooperatives and community enterprises in the developing world. The program was highly successful: it remained one of the largest and most influential in the sector and then changed in 2002 as more mainstream retailers were persuaded to carry fair trade products | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade Globally Oxfam still works in many countries on fair trade programs and runs hundreds of shops across Europe and Australia selling and promoting fair trade goods. In 1969, the first Worldshop opened its doors in the Netherlands. The initiative aimed at bringing the principles of fair trade to the retail sector by selling almost exclusively goods such as handcrafts produced under fair trade terms in "underdeveloped regions". The first shop was run by volunteers and was so successful that dozens of similar shops soon went into business in the Benelux countries, Germany and in other Western European countries. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, important segments of the fair trade movement worked to find markets for products from countries that were excluded from the mainstream trading channels for political reasons. Thousands of volunteers sold coffee from Angola and Nicaragua in Worldshops, in the back of churches, from their homes and from stands in public places, using the products as a vehicle to deliver their message: give disadvantaged producers in developing countries a fair chance on the world's market, and you support their self-determined sustainable development | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade The alternative trade movement blossomed, if not in sales, then at least in terms of dozens of ATOs being established on both sides of the Atlantic, of scores of Worldshops being set up, and of well-organized actions and campaigns attacking exploitation and foreign domination, and promoting the ideals of Nelson Mandela, Julius Nyerere and the Nicaraguan Sandinistas: the right to independence and self-determination, to equitable access to the world's markets and consumers. In the early 1980s, Alternative Trading Organizations faced a major challenge: the novelty of some fair trade products started wearing off, demand reached a plateau and some handicrafts began to look "tired and old fashioned" in the marketplace. The decline of segments of the handicrafts market forced fair trade supporters to rethink their business model and their goals. Moreover, fair trade supporters during this period became increasingly worried by the impact of the fall of agricultural commodity prices on poor producers. Many then believed it was the movement's responsibility to address the issue and to find innovative remedies to address the ongoing crisis in the industry. In the subsequent years, fair trade agricultural commodities played an important role in the growth of many ATOs: successful on the market, they offered a renewable source of income for producers and provided Alternative Trading Organizations the perfect substitute to the stagnating handicrafts market | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade The collapse of the International Coffee Agreement in 1989 fueled the extraordinary growth of the fair trade coffee market, providing a powerful narrative for a new breed of fair trade brand that engaged producers directly in consumer operations. Cafédirect is a good example of this new thinking and was the first fair trade brand to be found in UK supermarkets. Dedicated to the mainstream, Cafédirect created focused on consumer engagement and language and built a reputation for quality, justifying its premium positioning with the tag-line "We pay more, so you get the pick of the crop". The first fair trade agricultural products were coffee and tea, quickly followed by dried fruits, cocoa, sugar, fruit juices, rice, spices and nuts. Coffee quickly became the main growth engine behind fair trade: between 25 and 50% of the total alternative trading organization turnover in 2005 came from coffee sales. While a sales value ratio of 80% handcrafts to 20% agricultural goods was the norm in 1992, in 2002 handcrafts accounted for 25.4% of sales while commodity food lines were up at 69.4%. The transition to agricultural commodities was further highlighted in 2002, when Oxfam decided to abandon its loss-making handcrafts trading program after 27 years of existence. Oxfam's move had significant consequences on the entire fair trade movement | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade Some ATOs saw this as an opportunity to restructure and partner up with mainstream businesses in an effort to find economic efficiencies and broaden their appeal, while others (such as Alternativ Handel in Norway), unable to adjust to the market and plagued by financial difficulties, were forced to close. Today, many ATOs still exclusively sell handcrafts - which they judge culturally and economically preferable to agricultural commodities. While these are still considered fair trade flagship products, academics have described them as a niche market that now only appeals to relatively small segments of the population, mostly fair trade core supporters who buy products on the basis of the story behind the product. "Note: Customary spelling of Fairtrade is one word when referring to product labelling" Sales of fair trade products however only really took off with the arrival of the first Fairtrade labelling initiatives. Although buoyed by ever growing sales, fair trade had been generally contained to relatively small Worldshops scattered across Europe and to a lesser extent, North America. Some felt that these shops were too disconnected from the rhythm and the lifestyle of contemporary developed societies. The inconvenience of going to them to buy only a product or two was too high even for the most dedicated customers. The only way to increase sale opportunities was to start offering fair trade products where consumers normally shop, in large distribution channels | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade The problem was to find a way to expand distribution without compromising consumer trust in fair trade products and in their origins. A solution was found in 1988, when the first Fairtrade label, Max Havelaar, was launched under the initiative of Nico Roozen, Frans van der Hoff and Dutch ecumenical development agency Solidaridad. The independent certification allowed the goods to be sold outside the worldshops and into the mainstream, reaching a larger consumer segment and boosting fair trade sales significantly. The labeling initiative also allowed customers and distributors alike to track the origin of the goods to confirm that the products were really benefiting the producers at the end of the supply chain. On the producer end, the Max Havelaar initiative offered disadvantaged producers following various social and environmental standards a fair price, significantly above the market price, for their crop. The coffee, originating from the UCIRI cooperative in Mexico, was imported by Dutch company Van Weely, roasted by Neuteboom, sold directly to world shops and, for the first time, to mainstream retailers across the Netherlands. The initiative was groundbreaking as for the first time Fairtrade coffee was sold in supermarkets and mass-retailers, therefore reaching a larger consumer segment. Fairtrade labelling also allowed consumers and distributors alike to track the origin of the goods to confirm that the products were really benefiting the farmers at the end of the supply chain | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade The initiative was a great success and was replicated in several other markets: in the ensuing years, similar non-profit Fairtrade labelling organizations were set up in other European countries and North America, called "Max Havelaar" (in Belgium, Switzerland, Denmark, Norway and France), "Transfair" (in Germany, Austria, Luxembourg, Italy, the United States, Canada and Japan), or carrying a national name: "Fairtrade Mark" in the UK and Ireland, "Rättvisemärkt" in Sweden, and "Reilu Kauppa" in Finland. Initially, the Max Havelaars and the Transfairs each had their own Fairtrade standards, product committees and monitoring systems. In 1994, a process of convergence among the labelling organizations – or "LIs" (for "Labelling Initiatives") – started with the establishment of a TransMax working group, culminating in 1997 in the creation of Fairtrade Labelling Organizations International (FLO). FLO is an umbrella organization whose mission is to set the Fairtrade standards, support, inspect and certify disadvantaged producers and harmonize the Fairtrade message across the movement. In 2002, FLO launched a new International Fairtrade Certification Mark. The goals of the launch were to improve the visibility of the mark on supermarket shelves, facilitate cross border trade and simplify export procedures for both producers and exporters | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade The Fairtrade Certification Mark harmonization process is still under way – today, all but two labelling initiatives (Transfair USA & TransFair Canada) have adopted the new International Fairtrade Certification Mark. Full transition to the new Fairtrade Mark should become reality as it gradually replaces the old certification marks at various speeds in various countries. In January 2004, FLO was divided into two independent organizations: FLO International, which sets Fairtrade standards and provides producer business support, and FLO-CERT, which inspects and certifies producer organizations. The aim of the split was to ensure the impartiality, the independence of the certification process and compliance with ISO 65 standards for product certification bodies. At present, over 20 Labelling Initiatives are members of FLO International. There are now Fairtrade Certification Marks on dozens of different products, based on FLO's certification for coffee, tea, rice, bananas, mangoes, cocoa, cotton, sugar, honey, fruit juices, nuts, fresh fruit, quinoa, herbs and spices, wine and footballs etc. In an effort to complement the Fairtrade certification system and allow for example handcraft producers to also sell their products outside worldshops, the World Fair Trade Organization (WFTO), formerly the International Fair Trade Association (founded 1989), launched a new Mark to identify fair trade organizations in 2004 (as opposed to products in the case of Fairtrade) | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
History of fair trade Called the FTO Mark, it allows consumers to recognize registered Fair Trade Organizations worldwide and guarantees that standards are being implemented regarding working conditions, wages, child labour and the environment. The FTO Mark gave for the first time Fair Trade Organizations (including handcrafts producers) definable recognition amongst consumers, existing and new business partners, governments and donors. Global fair trade sales have soared over the past decade. The increase has been particularly spectacular among Fairtrade labelled goods: In 2007, Fair trade certified sales amounted to approximately €2.3 billion (US$3.62 billion) worldwide, a 47% year-to-year increase. As per December 2006, 569 producer organizations in 58 developing countries were FLO-CERT Fairtrade certified and over 150 were WFTO registered. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8413804 | History of fair trade |
Town Police Clauses Act 1847 The is an Act of the Parliament of the United Kingdom (10 & 11 Vict c. 89). The statute remains in force and is frequently used by local councils to close roads to allow public events such as processions or street parties to take place. The Act is also used to regulate the local hackney carriage, taxi and private-hire trade in many areas. It deals with a range of street obstructions and nuisances, for example, it makes it illegal to perform certain actions in a public street or other thoroughfare, such as hanging washing, beating carpets, and flying kites. Historically, it was highly significant legislating against indecent exposure, indecent acts, obscene publications, and prostitution. In 1847, the House of Commons Select Committee on Private Bills presented a report. In 1842 to 1843, the average number of private bills passed was 161, rising to an average of 347 from 1845 to 1846. By 21 July 1847, the House of Commons, 490 petitions for private bills were received that year. Already in place, resulting from early reports by the select committee, new mechanisms were in place to deal more efficiently with private bills. Noting was that much of the business the House of Commons was dealing with were numerous private bills, which due to the clauses they contained, were essentially public bills. Drawing up private bills to deal with public functions had consequences | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8420007 | Town Police Clauses Act 1847 |
Town Police Clauses Act 1847 The select committee wrote: To provide uniformity in legislation in different geographical areas, to reduce the number of private bills about public functions, and to reduce expense, the select committee proposed eight public acts, each dealing with a different topic: The police legislation was enacted as the Town Police Clauses Act 1847. The original Act covered six areas, Many clauses of the act are still in force; these are provisions dealing with The act is still relevant to policing the highway. Many offences in the act relating to nuisance and obstruction in the street, and the act is also a means of regulating road closures for special events. The law controls the use of fireworks, and the wanton discharge of firearms in the street. A significant role is the licensing of hackney carriages. It also prohibits the wanton furious driving of a horse and carriage in the street. A role of the Act is to regulate peoples' behaviour. It remains an offence to be disorderly or insulting in a police station. Until 2003, the Act was one piece of legislation against prostitution in a range of premises, including hotels. Although superseded by other laws a conviction for indecency, deriving from the Act, is on a list of offences which can be used to identify those who present a risk, or potential risk, to children. (as enacted) (as currently in force, published on legislation.gov.uk) | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8420007 | Town Police Clauses Act 1847 |
Perajurit Tanah Air or Inilah Barisan Kita is a patriotic Malaysian national song. Composed by Saiful Bahari. The song is remarkable for its impartial, egalitarian lyrics, which extols the soldiers' love and duty to the motherland without explicit reference to any particular race or religion. "Perajurit Tanah Air" found renewed popularity among Malaysians in the wake of the 2013 Lahad Datu standoff. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8420435 | Perajurit Tanah Air |
Professional courtesy generally refers to the etiquette extended between members of the same profession. The concept of professional courtesy is believed to have originated within the ancient practice of medicine whereby physicians provided services to other physicians without charge. However, the philosophy does not necessarily involve the same courtesy across all professions, nor is professional courtesy a mandated privilege, but is freely given at the discretion of the party extending the courtesy. While the etiquette is not limited to physicians, the medical profession is likely the oldest and best known one for having such a longstanding practice among its members. Some other well known groups that have some form of professional courtesy are attorneys, performing artists, and law enforcement officers. The phrase may also describe the ethical conduct of lawyers towards each other. In 1803, Thomas Percival wrote a classic essay on medical ethics that endorsed complimentary professional care to “All members of the profession, including apothecaries as well as physicians and surgeons, together with their wives and children, should be attended gratuitously.” In 1847, the American Medical Association's Code of Ethics similarly endorsed waiving charges for services to other physicians and their families, This is likely the first modern-day documentation of the philosophy. Among physicians it has been historically traditional to provide medical care at no or reduced cost to physician colleagues and their immediate family members | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8428553 | Professional courtesy |
Professional courtesy The original purpose of this practice was to discourage physicians from treating themselves and members of their own family. The custom dates back to Hippocrates, well before physicians had attained middle-class incomes. However, physicians regularly providing free or reduced rate services as professional courtesy must remain mindful in an age of copays, insurance-only billing, and referrals, as the practice can run afoul of the law under some circumstances. In 1994, the American Medical Association issued a Code of Medical Ethics Opinion advising that free-of-charge and reduced rate services were not an ethical requirement, and that physicians should use their own judgment when deciding to extend such professional courtesy. The term has been used to refer to the practice by law enforcement officers allowing other officers to engage in traffic violations and some crimes without being reported or arrested. Some US states (such as California) issue confidential license plates to employees in law enforcement, and other public officials. The plates keep identities and addresses anonymous, allowing employees the inadvertent ability to travel on tollways without charge. Even serious offenses such as drunk driving are subject to professional courtesy discretion, and federal law assists in the process by exempting police officers and firefighters from a federal law that requires truck drivers to be blood-tested after an accident | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8428553 | Professional courtesy |
Professional courtesy There is a website offering law enforcement employees the purchase of a family card that they can give to friends and family to produce at a traffic stop to identify them as a family member. Critics of the ethical actions of police officers purport that where an ordinary member of the public would get a ticket, this notification card will lead the officer to overlook any violations of the law the person may have made and tell them to go on their way. The vendor of this card is explicit about the intention behind these cards. Until the 1960s, it was customary for theater management to admit members of Actors Equity and other members of the profession to Broadway shows for free. This practice continues in the Off-Off-Broadway world, where members of Equity must be admitted free of charge to any Showcase production in which there is a member of the union in the cast if there are seats left at curtain time. This applies as well to "bona fide" producers, directors, and casting directors, who do not have to wait until showtime to be seated. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8428553 | Professional courtesy |
Modalities (sociology) Modalities are fundamental to understanding the concept behind Structuration. According to Anthony Giddens, modalities explain the properties of the Structure. The structure is said to have both structural and individual qualities. Giddens refers to these structural modalities as 'rules' and 'resources' respectively. In application, Giddens is separating himself from other structuralists by acknowledging the enabling functions that the structure provides. A case of a 'rule' is the act of obeying a law. That is, there are limits that the structure places on agency causing the agent to act in a certain way. In this respect the structure is imposing restrictions upon the agent in order to accomplish societal norms. Norms, however, have changed in the past and are under constant manipulation by the society through the use of structural 'resources'. Civil laws can and have been overturned or rewritten in the past. Laws that have limited human liberties, can be overturned as there exists 'resources', e.g. lawyers who can present a case for social reform. It could also be the process of judicial review itself. Giddens suggests that it is these modalities that illustrate his reliance on the duality of structure because it presents a case where knowledgeable individuals can use the resources available to them to change policies, standards or norms that the structure imposes upon them. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8433573 | Modalities (sociology) |
Robot ethics Robot ethics, sometimes known by the short expression "roboethics", concerns ethical problems that occur with robots, such as whether robots pose a threat to humans in the long or short run, whether some "uses" of robots are problematic (such as in healthcare or as 'killer robots' in war), and how robots should be designed such as they act 'ethically' (this last concern is also called machine ethics). Alternatively, roboethics refers specifically to the ethics of "human behavior" towards robots, as robots become increasingly advanced. is a sub-field of ethics of technology, specifically information technology, and it has close links to legal as well as socio-economic concerns. Researchers from diverse areas are beginning to tackle ethical questions about creating robotic technology and implementing it in societies, in a way that will still ensure the safety of the human race. While the issues are as old as the word "robot", serious academic discussions started around the year 2000. requires the combined commitment of experts of several disciplines, who have to adjust laws and regulations to the problems resulting from the scientific and technological achievements in Robotics and AI. The main fields involved in robot ethics are: robotics, computer science, artificial intelligence, philosophy, ethics, theology, biology, physiology, cognitive science, neurosciences, law, sociology, psychology, and industrial design | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8434470 | Robot ethics |
Robot ethics Some of the central discussion of ethics in relation to the treatment of non-human or non-biological things and their potential "spirituality". Another central topic, has to do with the development of machinery and eventually robots, this philosophy was also applied to robotics. One of the first publication directly addressing and setting the foundation for robot ethics was Runaround (story), a science fiction short story written by Isaac Asimov in 1942 which featured his well known Three Laws of Robotics. These three laws were continuously altered by Asimov, and a fourth, or zeroth law, was eventually added to precede the first three, in the context of his science fiction works. The short term "roboethics" was most likely coined by Gianmarco Veruggio. An important event that propelled the concern of roboethics was the First International Symposium on Roboethics in 2004 by the collaborative effort of Scuola di Robotica, the Arts Lab of Scuola Superiore Sant'Anna, Pisa, and the Theological Institute of Pontificia Accademia della Santa Croce, Rome. "After two days of intense debating, anthropologist Daniela Cerqui identified three main ethical positions emerging from two days of intense debate: These are some important events and projects in robot ethics | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8434470 | Robot ethics |
Robot ethics Further events in the field are announced by the euRobotics ELS topics group, and by RoboHub: Computer scientist Virginia Dignum noted in a March 2018 issue of "Ethics and Information Technology" that the general societal attitude toward artificial intelligence (AI) has, in the modern era, shifted away from viewing AI as a tool and toward viewing it as an intelligent “team-mate”. In the same article, she assessed that, with respect to AI, ethical thinkers have three goals, each of which she argues can be achieved in the modern era with careful thought and implementation. The three ethical goals are as follows: Roboethics as a science or philosophical topic has begun to be a common theme in science fiction literature and films. One film that could be argued to be ingrained in pop culture that depicts the dystopian future use of robotic AI is "The Matrix", depicting a future where humans and conscious sentient AI struggle for control of planet earth resulting in the destruction of most of the human race. An animated film based on "The Matrix", the "Animatrix", focused heavily on the potential ethical issues and insecurities between humans and robots. The movie is broken into short stories. Animatrix's animated shorts are also named after Isaac Asimov's fictional stories. Another facet of roboethics is specifically concerned with the treatment of robots by humans, and has been explored in numerous films and television shows | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8434470 | Robot ethics |
Robot ethics One such example is , which has a humanoid android, named Data, as one of its main characters. For the most part, he is trusted with mission critical work, but his ability to fit in with the other living beings is often in question. More recently, the movie Ex Machina and TV show Westworld have taken taken on these ethical questions quite directly by depicting hyper-realistic robots that humans treat as inconsequential commodities. The questions surrounding the treatment of engineered beings has also been key component of Blade Runner (franchise) for over 50 years. Films like Her have even distilled the human relationship with robots even further by removing the physical aspect and focusing on emotions. Although not a part of roboethics "per se", the ethical behavior of robots themselves has also been a joining issue in roboethics in popular culture. The "Terminator" series focuses on robots run by an conscious AI program with no restraint on the termination of its enemies. This series too has the same archetype as "The Matrix" series, where robots have taken control. Another famous pop culture case of robots or AI without programmed ethics or morals is HAL 9000 in the "Space Odyssey" series, where HAL (a computer with advance AI capabilities who monitors and assists humans on a space station) kills all the humans on board to ensure the success of the assigned mission after his own life is threatened | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8434470 | Robot ethics |
Robot ethics With contemporary technological issues emerging as society pushes on, one topic that requires thorough thought is robot ethics concerning the law. Academics have been debating the process of how a government could go about creating legislation with robot ethics and law. A pair of scholars that have been asking these questions are Neil M. Richards Professor of Law at Washington University in St. Louis as well as, William D. Smart Associate Professor of Computer Science at Washington University in St. Louis. In their paper "How Should Robots Think About Law" they make four main claims concerning robot ethics and law. The groundwork of their argument lays on the definition of robot as "non-biological autonomous agents that we think captures the essence of the regulatory and technological challenges that robots present, and which could usefully be the basis of regulation." Second, the pair explores the future advanced capacities of robots within around a decades time. Their third claim argues a relation between the legal issues robot ethics and law experiences with the legal experiences of cyber-law. Meaning that robot ethics laws can look towards cyber-law for guidance. The "lesson" learned from cyber-law being the importance of the metaphors we understand emerging issues in technology as. This is based off if we get the metaphor wrong for example, the legislation surrounding the emerging technological issue is most likely wrong | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8434470 | Robot ethics |
Robot ethics The fourth claim they argue against is a metaphor that the pair defines as "The Android Fallacy". They argue against the android fallacy which claims humans and non-biological entities are "just like people". | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8434470 | Robot ethics |
Shaucha (Sanskrit: शौच, also spelled Saucha, Śauca) literally means purity, cleanliness and clearness. It refers to purity of mind, speech and body. Saucha is one of the Niyamas of Yoga. It is discussed in many ancient Indian texts such as the Mahabharata and Patanjali's Yoga Sutras. It is a virtue in Hinduism and Jainism. In Hinduism purity is a part of worship, an attitude or purity of mind an important quality for salvation. Purity is a mind pure and free of evil thoughts and behaviors. Saucha includes outer purity of body as well as inner purity of mind. The concept of "Saucha" is synonymous with "Shuddhi" (शुद्धि). LePage states that Saucha in yoga is on many levels, and deepens as an understanding and evolution of self increases. Shaucha, or holistic purity of the body, is considered essential for health, happiness and general well-being. External purity is achieved through daily ablutions, while internal purity is cultivated through physical exercises, including asana (postures) and pranayama (breathing techniques). Along with daily ablutions to cleanse one's body, the concept of suggests clean surrounding, along with fresh and clean food to purify the body. Lack of Saucha, such as letting toxins build in body are a source of impurity. goes beyond purity of body, and includes purity of speech and mind. Anger, hate, prejudice, greed, pride, fear, negative thoughts are a source of impurity of mind | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8455324 | Shaucha |
Shaucha The impurities of the intellect are cleansed through the process of self-examination, or knowledge of self ("Adhyatma-Vidya"). The mind is purified through mindfulness and meditation on one's intent, feelings, actions and its causes. Teachers of the Vedanta path of yoga prepare to have holy thoughts and for performing holy actions students and the young help teachers prepare for worship, building self-control and selflessness. This is to offer a true gift - to offer something without expecting anything in return. Sarada Devi said "Pure mind begets ecstatic love (prema-bhakti)." Saucha is included as one of five "Niyamas" in Yoga, that is activity that is recommended for spiritual development of an individual. Verse II.32 of Yogasutra lists the five "niyamas". In verse II.40, Patanjali describes outer purity, while verse II.41 discusses inner purity, as follows: Saucha is one of the ten "Yamas" listed by Śāṇḍilya Upanishad, as well as by Svātmārāma. It is one of the virtuous restraints (yamas) taught in ancient Indian texts. The other nine yamas are Ahiṃsā (अहिंसा): Nonviolence, Satya (सत्य): truthfulness, Asteya (अस्तेय): not stealing, Brahmacharya (ब्रह्मचर्य): celibacy chastity and fidelity, Kṣamā (क्षमा): forgiveness, Dhṛti (धृति): fortitude, Dayā (दया): compassion, Ārjava (आर्जव): sincerity and non-hypocrisy, and Mitahara (मितहार): moderate diet. The Epic Mahabharata mentions the virtue of purity ("Saucha") in numerous books | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8455324 | Shaucha |
Shaucha For example, in Book 14 Chapter 38, it lists "Saucha" as a high quality found in the liberated, happy and dharmic person, Bhagavad Gita describes purity at three levels in Book 17, verses 14-16, namely body, speech and thoughts. Purity of body comes from cleanliness of body as well as from what one eats and drinks. Purity of speech comes from being truthful and through use of words that are not injurious, hurtful or distressing to others or self. Purity of thoughts comes from reflection, peace of mind, silence, calmness, gentleness and purity of being. Purity of mind, speech and body has been one of the important virtues in Indian philosophy. | Religion&Philosophy&Ethics | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki?curid=8455324 | Shaucha |